Amid Cover Up of FARDC Rapes in Minova, UN Quick to Clear FDLR in Masisi

By Matthew Russell Lee

UNITED NATIONS, January 2 -- Since the 126 rapes by the Congolese Army and Police in late November in Minova, the UN has claimed it cannot say which Army units were there, pending an investigation.

   Inner City Press asked which Army units the UN works with. Top Peacekeeper Herve Ladsous refused to answer, and had his spokesman seize the UN Television microphone. Video here.

  Between Christmas and New Year, Inner City Press asked Secretary General Ban Ki-moon's top spokespeople several times for an update on Minova, and on the implementation of Ban's claimed Human Rights Due Diligence Policy. Each time it was said that the investigation continues.

   But on January 2, the UN mission in the Congo MONUSCO issued a press release containing conclusions, not about the events in Minova in November, but about a probe it conducted in Masisi from December 21 to 24, to shoot down rumors about the Hutu FDLR rebels.

   So when the UN wants to quickly look into something and make a public announcement, for example to clear the FDLR, it can and does. But it continues to delay issuing any finding about the rapes committed by its partners in the FARDC. This is shameful.

   MONUSCO's January 2 press release was to dispute "the following persistent rumors: 

that 4,000 FDLR members accompanied by their dependents arrived at Kazibake through Zambia; that two white-colored helicopters with no UN logo flew over the space between Nyange and Lwama on 13 December; that a there is a new commander of the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), in Kivuye and his name is Bakota; that weapons and ammunitions were supplied to FDLR by means of Government military aircrafts."

   MONUSCO says, "At the end of the mission, the team concluded that those allegations were all unfounded," but goes on to emphasize that "it has carried out several joint operations with the Congolese army in order to reduce the capacity of the armed groups including FDLR, to cause trouble."

   But WHICH units of the Congolese army has MONUSCO worked with? Which were in Minova during the mass rapes in late November? And how will the UN explain the difference in speed of the two inquiries and (one) announcement? Watch this site.

In Congo, UN Fails to Act on MSF as Bait Attacks, After 4 Weeks, of Holmes and Mountain

By Matthew Russell Lee
www.innercitypress.com/drc1nochamsf111309.html

UNITED NATIONS, November 13 -- In Masisi in the Congo four weeks ago, Congolese army forces attacked civilians who had gathered for vaccination by MSF Doctors without Borders. MSF subsequently put out a public statement and, the group told the Press on November 13, informed the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs both in New York and the Congo.

Still, the UN Mission in the Congo (MONUC) has neither said or done anything about the involved units of the Congolese Army. On November 13, Inner City Press asked OCHA chief John Holmes why the UN system's reaction has been so slow.

Holmes said "I saw the allegations" of MSF and have "no reason to disbelieve" them. Still, he said, "I don't know enough about what happened to comment on your specific point." But why not? Who in OHCA, or the wider UN, is responsible to acting on a group of MSF's description of atrocities by a one of MONUC's partners?

Holmes said that perhaps Ross Mountain, back from the Congo for a week and retiring that day, would address it. But on November 12 when Inner City Press asked Mountain, he said he didn't know much about it. He's only been in New York for a week. And if he doesn't know about it, who in the UN system does?

Finally Holmes said "it's easy to criticize," and that the Congolese Army might be worse if MONUC stopped working with it, leaving it "without any restraining influence." But by that logic, one might argue the UN should assist, in order to restraint, a group like the Lord's Resistance Army.

Holmes noted that Alain Le Roy "announced very quickly" that MONUC wouldn't assist some units of the Congolese Army, that MONUC "immediately" said it would withdraw support.

But that belated withdrawal is from units alleged to have killed month ago in May, unconnected with the MSF or Philip Alston allegations. Does MONUC give a six month grace period after atrocities, to continue receiving UN support? Is this what due process, or face saving, has become?

After Holmes' answer -- Mountain did not take a second bite at the apple -- the UN representative of MSF added that this was "the first time since the 1990s" when MSF concluded "our presence was used to kill people." Inner City Press has asked MSF for more information. It would seem the UN would take this seriously, four weeks after the incident and at least a week after a very public report. But apparently not.

What is wrong with MONUC? Another participant in the event, held at the International Peace Institute, put the blame on the UN's Congo envoy Alan Doss. "Things have gotten worse under Doss," Henri Boshoff of the Institute for Security Studies in South Africa told Inner City Press. But where is the accountability? To be continued.

Footnote: we would really like to write a less critical retirement piece on Ross Mountain. The November 13 press conference, at which whistleblower allegations where also blown off, did not allow for it. Nor did the November 14 IPI appearance. There is apparently at least one more UN Mountain event, at which Holmes said he will praise Mountain. Watch this site.

And see, www.innercitypress.com/drc1nochamsf111309.html