Showing posts with label JEM. Show all posts
Showing posts with label JEM. Show all posts
Tuesday, September 1, 2015
UN Has No Answers on Palestine Flag, Dodges on Drone, FDLR in DRC, SOuth Sudan, JEM Letter on Bashir
By Matthew Russell Lee
UNITED NATIONS, September 1 -- Two weeks after the UN through its Spokesperson's Office refused to release a copy of Secretary General Ban Ki-moon's speech to 150 bankers, calling it "private," the UN when it resumed its noon briefings left unanswered 15 of the 25 questions Inner City Press posed last week.
On September 1, Inner City Press asked UN Spokesman Stephane Dujarric a series of questions, including (for the third time) the question it submitted about Palestine and its flag. Video here, transcript here:
Inner City Press: I'd asked your office last week and maybe now there's an answer about… on… I understand, obviously, it's pending in the GA, but a member of the Palestine delegation told me they've gotten a letter from the Secretariat about their readiness to install a flagpole. I wanted you to confirm that letter. And also whether protocol or OLA [Office of Legal Affairs] can confirm where the flag would go.
Spokesman: No, I can't confirm the letter. I'm not aware of the letter. Obviously, the resolution needs to be passed, and then we will make whatever provisions need to be made if provisions need to be…
Inner City Press: Right. Does it go under "P" or does it go to the end of the line?
Spokesman: As I said, I think we have to wait… we have to wait for the resolution to be passed or not passed. And then we will make, we will make the necessary arrangements, but we're, we have to wait for instructions from the General Assembly.
Inner City Press: Right. I just wondered what the rule was, there's no rule…
Spokesman: Obviously, I think we're moving into somewhat uncharted territory here. So, we are always glad to get guidance from the General Assembly...
Inner City Press: I wanted to ask about the DRC [Democratic Republic of the Congo] and drones or drone. The Congolese Government or army has said that six of its soldiers were killed in North Kivu by Rugari and it's pretty much in the area in which the FDLR is the strong armed group. So, I wanted to know does MONUSCO [United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo] know anything about this, and has there been any progress on fighting the FDLR together with the…?
Spokesman: I don't have an update from MONUSCO. You can check with the Mission, but I don't have anything.
Inner City Press: I'm asking because Mr. Kobler had said we're very close, or maybe it was Mr. Ladsous, but very close to working with the Government.
Spokesman: I have not had any update, but you can check with the mission as well.
Inner City Press: Yesterday there was… a small drone was flown above the UN traffic circle, and I saw it, so I went down. I was told that, in fact, there had been… it was done by UNTV for something for the seventieth anniversary but that, this is why I'm asking you is that I was told, I don't know if it was formally or informally, that the FAA and the 17th Precinct, permission was sought from them. So, because it often arises that the UN says it's exempt from things like Legionnaire’s Disease or a variety of other laws, if you don't know, can you check whether, in fact, it's true?
Spokesman: You know, I think, first of all, I don't know if permission was sought or not sought. What's important is, whether or not we are legally bound from, you know, to local or federal regulations here, it's very important that we are a good partner to our host city and our host Government, whether it's in cooling towers or other things. So, it is, I would imagine, that our colleagues fully informed the relevant authority of what we were doing, and I would also imagine that the air space around the United Nations is fairly limited, and so I'm sure the drone must have flown over the City of New York or parts thereof. So, I think there's nothing, there's nothing wrong or untowards with making sure that everybody is aware and that, if permission needs to be sought and whatever, I…
Inner City Press: Can you just get… I guess the idea is that… were they informed or were they asked? Because I think others can't fly drones whether they tell the precinct or not so…
Spokesman: I think others, production companies, television crews fly drones all the time, so I think we did everything within our responsible needs....
Inner City Press: I wanted to ask again about South Sudan, one, whether you've been able to confirm this thing of the airport and UNMISS [United Nations Mission in South Sudan] staying away and also whether the UNMISS or the UN here has any comments on… on… on the… the South Sudan Government saying that the Ugandan troops may remain in the country despite the terms of the agreement…
Spokesman: We've seen those reports. I think it's important that all the signatories and the guarantors and all those involved in the talks in Addis and the signing of the deal live up to their, to their commitments. On Juba airport, I understand that the authorities had… had temporarily closed it. The authorities have run… run the airport, and I think we were duly informed.
Inner City Press: And is that in-house that you were able to check?
Spokesman: I don't know. One last one.
Inner City Press: Okay. I want to ask about the… there's two letters. One has to do with JEM has written an open letter, the Sudanese opposition group JAM has written an open letter to the Secretary-General about his trip to China very much focused on how he will engage or even be in proximity with Omar al-Bashir? Have you seen the letter? And what's your response? They say the UN has been criticized for not doing enough to ensure the arrest of Mr. Bashir. Do you agree or not?
Spokesman: Well, I think it is up to Member States to live up to their commitments to the International Criminal Court. The Secretary-General has absolutely no plans to interact with President Bashir. There are no plans for any bilateral meetings between the Secretary-General and President Bashir. We're obviously aware of his, of his presence in Beijing. Okay. We'll stop there.
For now.
On August 31, Inner City Press put some of the questions to returning Spokesman Stephane Dujarric, video here, UN transcript here:
Inner City Press: I wanted to ask about Myanmar, wiring and then some other unanswered questions. On Myanmar, do you have any, does you or Mr. Nambiar have any comments on the laws now signed about, regarding inter, interfaith marriage and conversion? There were a slew of laws that were described as these anti-Muslim laws. And I know Mr. Nambiar briefed the Council but he didn't speak to us afterwards.
Spokesman Dujarric: I don't have anything here.
Inner City Press: Okay. On the wiring, remember this issue of the lack of electrical outlets of any kind at the stakeout? Nothing has happened in your absence.
Spokesman Dujarric: It's, as much as I think my absence has to do, has any impact on anything that goes on in this building…
Inner City Press: I'm checking…
Spokesman Dujarric: It's New York. It's… things take time. Whether you're remodelling your house or putting new electrical plugs in off the Security Council, we are determined to get everybody the electrical power they need.
Inner City Press: Okay. And on this letter, I saw there was a letter, you know, the letter from, that was announced by your office from the Secretary-General to the Security Council about the mechanism for accountability, and it contained a draft letter back from Joy Ogwu for 31 August. I wanted to know, has that been returned? And I'd asked your office why it was…?
Spokesman Dujarric: On the mechanism for?
Inner City Press: The JIM mechanism for Syria chemical weapons…
Spokesman Dujarric: No, it's in the hands of the Council.
Inner City Press: Okay. And I had a question about UNAMID [African Union-United Nations Hybrid Operation in Darfur] that I want to ask you, which was that this cancelled, there's been a big dispute about the AU visit to Darfur and whether… who cancelled flights. Your office said that flights were cancelled. Then UNAMID there said no flights were cancelled. It's kind of important. Which was it?
Spokesman: I don't know. I'll check. Thank you. See you tomorrow, maybe.
Definitely maybe.
On August 28 at 12:30 pm, Inner City Press submitted five questions, none of which were answered by 6:30 pm:
Aug 28 (1) On UNAMID, it is reported that "Ashraf Issa, spokesman of the UN peacekeeping mission, said in a press release last Monday that they never received any notification of flight restrictions in Darfur." Given previous answer, please clarify and state why this UNAMID "press release" was not sent out by unamid publicinformation like, for example, this one: "Cancellation of Press Briefing by African Union Peace and Security Council delegation in Khartoum "
Aug 28 (2) On the SG's letter he announced yesterday to the UNSC about the JIM mechanism on Syria chemical weapons, please explain why the draft response / approval letter is as submitted set to be signed by Joy Ogwu, who gives over presidency of the UNSC on August 31, less then five days from the SG's letter.
Aug 28 (3) Yesterday, Inner City Press was told in but not by the UN that if the draft resolution on raising the State of Palestine's flag at the UN passes, (1) it would go at the end of Member States, that is, nearest 42nd street and (2) that "the UN" has written a letter concerning its readiness to install the needed flagpole.
I understand you will not comment on what may happen in the GA but I am requesting UN Secretariat (Protocol, OLA and/or DM/FMS) confirmation of where a non-member State's flag WOULD go, and on readiness to install the flagpole including that a letter to that effect has been written and sent.
Aug 28 (4) Please provide a summary of DPA's / USG Feltman's August 27 briefing to the UNSC about Burkina Faso, and specifically state whether it included the arson destruction of Radio Manegmoogo
Aug 28 (5) Please provide a summary of USG Nambiar's August 28 briefing to the UNSC about Myanmar, particularly but not only as regards the Rohingya / Rakhine State.
Nor was any summary given was DPA's briefing on Burundi (although a belated answer to Inner City Press'questions earlier in the week was provided, and reported on this site, along with another answer about Somalia; see Mali, below.)
On August 27, Inner City Press submitted five questions, two of them about South Sudan, one which Inner City Press had previewed the day before:
"August 27 (1) Please provide the comment and response of UNMISS, DPA and/or the Secretary General given his South Sudan statement yesterday to Salva Kiir's 12-page reservations, which we have published here:https://www.scribd.com/doc/276484376/On-South-Sudan-Salva-Kiir-s-12-Pages-of-Reservations-to-CPA
"August 27 (2) Relatedly on South Sudan, please (have UNMISS / DPKO) confirm or deny their knowledge of new fighting at Tayar port in Panyijiar county (Unity state)
"August 27 (3) Please state who from OIOS will be attending this in Manila:
'about 50 United Nations (UN) agencies, multilateral financial institutions, and inter-governmental organizations in a forum to discuss topics of common interests to the internal auditing profession. The RIAS 2015 will be held at the Asian Development Bank in Manila on 8 to 11 September 2015.'
and if any beyond IAD Director Eleanor Burns, please state the rationale including for the UN / public expenditure
"August 27 (4) UNIFEED in the past week circulated a video of DPKO USG Ladsous speaking about sexual abuse by peacekeepers, saying “leadership” must be held accountable, but taking no questions. The video appeared on the UN website, but has since been removed. Please state when the video was made, for what audience, and why it was removed from the UN Webcast website.
"August 27 (5) In Mali, please state MINUSMA's understanding of the situation in Anefis and what the UN intends to do."
This last August 27 question was answered, on August 28:
"On Mali, we are concerned by the impact of the recent cease-fire violations in Anefis on the peace process. Our efforts are currently geared towards a political resolution of this situation through dialogue. A "disengagement plan" is being discussed, which would see the parties return to their previous positions. We encourage all parties to accept this plan and focus their efforts on implementing the peace agreement. Meanwhile, MINUSMA is maintaining a robust posture to protect civilians and deter an escalation of the violence. The Mission maintains a 20 Km security perimeter around Kidal to protect civilians who could be threatened by new clashes."
At 5 pm on August 27, responses to August 25 questions about Bring Back Our Girls and legionella were received, and a reiteration of the UN's read-outs of Ban in Paris with no mention of French troops' rapes in the Central African Republic.
On August 26, Inner City Press submitted five questions, including of the type that would have had to be responded to at an in-person briefing: the UN being dissed by Yoweri Museveni, to whom Ban is deferring on Burundi, Ban's trip to Nigeria and Paris - did he raised rapes and Ladsous? - and UN Peacekeeping issues in DR Congo and Iraq. But 28 hours later, only a portion of one was answered:
Here were the five questions Inner City Press submitted on August 26:
Aug 26 (1) At the signing in Juba, Uganda's President Museveni said that to invite the UN to your country is a vote of non-confidence in yourselves.The UN specializes in conserving terrorism. What is the UN system's response?
Aug 26 (2) Relatedly, what is the status of the SG naming an envoy to Burundi? Is the SG still deferring to President Museveni, now in light of the comments above made in Juba?
Aug 26 (3) On SG's trip: while in France, did the SG or his team raise to ANY French official the issue of the alleged sexual abuse of children in the Central African Republic by France's Sangaris peacekeepers? If so, to whom and what was said? While in Abuja, please confirm or deny that the SG received the petition from concerned citizens of Plateau State and attacks on villages there, and if confirm, state the SG's response. Same question again on letter from organizations of unpaid UN interns.
Aug 26 (4) On DRC, please state what steps the UN is taking to ensure that its cut off of aid to surrendered FDLR fighters will not result in attacks on civilians; please confirm that Taz Greyling, the chief of MONUSCO's demobilization, disarmament and reinsertion, said "We hope that FDLR will let them leave and have a chance at a normal life," and state the basis of that hope.
Aug 26 (5) Please state what UN DPKO is doing on Fiji's request that it expedite visa for Iraq for Fijian peacekeepers there.
There was a sixth, about a(nother) UN junket, but it must wait to be asked until at least some answers arrive.
On August 25, Inner City Press submitted five questions, one of which for the third time -- this one got a response, the only one of five August 25 noon briefings answerd on August 25:
Here are other questions Inner City Press posed in writing to the UN Spokesperson's Office on August 25, not answered on August 25:
"Aug 25 (1) In South Sudan, what is the UN's response to MSF citing disease caused by lack of shelter and sanitation in the camps positioned within the United Nations base in Malakal? What is UNMISS and its UN partners doing? Also, please state UNMISS' and DPKO's awareness of an impending assault on Panyijjar county, Unity State...
"Aug 25 (3) Also on the Secretary General's trip, and the UN read-out for the SG's meeting with President Francois Hollande, please explain what the SG meant by his "commitment in addressing issues of misconduct, including sexual exploitation and abuse, by UN peacekeepers,” including as regards the USG for Peacekeeping Mr Herve Ladsous, and explain why sexual abuse by French “peacekeepers” in the Sangaris force was not mentioned or included in the UN read-out.
Here is a question answered on August 24:
Q Aug 24 (1) In Sudan, it is reported that North Darfur authorities banned UNAMID flights. Please confirm or deny this, when it happened and the UN's understanding of why, and the UN's response.
Answer: "On 22 August, the Government of Sudan denied authorization for UNAMID flights to and from El Fasher, North Darfur, with the exception of one flight from Khartoum. Media reports thereafter alleged that this decision followed accusations by North Darfur authorities that UNAMID did not adequately coordinate the visit of the African Union Peace and Security Council (AUPSC) with them, on 21 and 22 August.
"UNAMID rejects these allegations and confirms that the Government of Sudan, including the authorities in North Darfur, was fully involved in preparing, coordinating and participating in the AUPSC visit to Darfur."
While appreciated, what was the impact of banning flights to and from North Darfur? The UN answered Inner City Press' follow up question on the status of the Ban by saying its "understanding is that the flights are running now."
Since then, UNAMID has told local media that there was no hinderance of flights. Is this covering up, like UN Peacekeeping under Herve Ladsous did on rapes in Tabit in Darfur, and in Minova in DR Congo before that?
Here are the four other August 24 questions, two responded to on August 25, the other two still unanswered:
Aug 24 (2) In Somalia, now that AMISOM (which is supported by UNSOA) has admitted killing civilians at Merka (or Marka) in late July, what is the UN's response and how will the UN human rights due diligence policy be implemented?
[Inner City Press on August 25 asked UK Ambassador Matthew Rycroft about this; we hope to have more.]
Aug 24 (3) While in France, does the Secretary General or his team intend to inquire into the belated French investigation into the child sexual abuse alleged against French Sangaris forces in the Central African Republic?
Aug 24 (4) In DRC, it is reported that in Kinshasa earlier this month the authorities rounded up copies of the C-News newspaper (censorship) and that in July the director of Full Contact Radio station broadcasting in Kananga was taken into custody after a broadcast alleging governmental dysfunctions... In Uvira, in South Kivu province, in August 2015, there was the arrest of Brinal Nundun, a journalist from Channel 7 TV, who was reporting on Burundian refugees in Uvira at the headquarters of the NGO "Action Ku Sidon." His equipment was seized. What is the UN, DPKO or MONUSCO response to this?
On August 25 at 5 pm, this UN response was received: "On your question on the DRC: MONUSCO continues to monitor closely the human rights situation in the DRC, including the situation with regard to journalists. Using its good offices to facilitate an environment conducive to a peaceful electoral process, the Mission continues to encourage the Government to uphold fundamental freedoms, including freedom of speech and freedom of the press. For example, the advocacy efforts of the Mission contributed recently to the release of a journalist who was in police custody in Uvira territory, South Kivu."
Aug 24 (5) It is said that Burundi police or security forces are to be deployed to MINUSMA in Mali. Please confirm or deny, and if confirm, state what screening would be in place given recent events in Burundi. Also, what is the UN's response to Amnesty International's report of Burundi security forces using torture?
On August 25 at 5 pm the response below was received, and Inner City Press separately reported it as well:
"On your question on Burundi: There are currently no Military troops from Burundi in the UN mission in Mali (MINUSMA). As of 31 July, there were 14 Police officers from Burundi serving as individual police officers in MINUSMA police component. No deployment of Burundi police officers to MINUSMA is planned for the foreseeable future. Following reports alleging human rights abuses on the part of some elements of the Burundian police, a decision has been taken to suspend the deployment of Burundian police officers to peacekeeping missions."
A follow up has been asked.
Update: on August 26, Inner City Press told Inner City Press, "On the 14 Burundian police officers, they will be rotated out of MINUSMA in the coming months according to the end of their respective terms (this rotation will be completed by March 2016)."
With the UN embroiled in rape scandals, exposed as playing host to spying for the US National Security Agency while its Secretary General Ban Ki-moon gave a speech to 150 bankers later deemed “private,” is this dysfunction a product of the press not wanting answers or the UN not wanting to give them?
On August 17, Inner City Press asked the UN's spokesperson for the day, Vannina Maestracci, about UN rapes in the Central African Republic and the Democratic Republic of the Congo before it, about the spying for the NSA and about Ban's speech on August 14 to 150 people at the Buffalo headquarters of M&T Bank, subject to government charges on unfair lending and on money laundering. Video here.
UN Associate Spokesperson Maestracci began by saying that the UN's contracts with AT&T, which turned over all information to the US, would not be made public. From the UN transcript:
Inner City Press: Would it be fair to assume that UN contractors paid by the UN are assumed not to be spying on people inside the UN?
Associate Spokesperson Maestracci: I don't know what the procurement contract entails, and I don't like assuming as a general rule. Oleg.
Inner City Press: Can we get a copy of the contract?
Associate Spokesperson Maestracci: I doubt it. Oleg.
Inner City Press has since researched this and found a UN written policy militating for release of the contracts. Former UN Office of Internal Oversight Services chiefInga Britt Ahlenius, when she left, wrote to Ban that “I see no visible effort to deliver on your stated commitment to increased transparency.”
Next on the UN rapes in CAR, on which Maestracci had read out a statement that UNICEF was providing the victim legal advice, Inner City Press asked
Inner City Press: You read out on UNICEF that they purport to be providing legal advice to the victim. And I guess I just wonder, given that the… that the legal problem is caused by the UN system's own invocation of immunity, what advice are they giving, to sue those responsible or… it just seems like… isn't it kind of a conflict for the UN system to be the one providing, purporting to provide legal advice to a person victimized by the UN system who can't get justice because of UN immunity. So, what's the advice, I guess I'm saying…?
Associate Spokesperson: I'm not sure what the advice is because I'm here, not with UNICEF in the [Central African Republic], but I think they are showing all the possible avenues that she has and what she can do. I mean, I think it's fairly… people might not know what these avenues are. And it's important…
Inner City Press: Can she sue UN?
Associate Spokesperson: Can I speak? And it's important for people to raise awareness and to make sure that they do know where to go.
Inner City Press: Where should she go? I mean, I'm just saying it seems… it's a contradiction because if she tries to sue…
Associate Spokesperson: And where…
Inner City Press: …she's told that it's immune, that the UN is immune.
Associate Spokesperson: That's not true. There's an investigation going on. And that, you know, it is going on. Why don't we let it go on and see what it comes up with?
Inner City Press: That's the second question I wanted to ask.
Associate Spokesperson: You are so not interested in the answers.
Inner City Press: Yeah, I am interested. I wasn't getting an answer. That's the problem.
Associate Spokesperson: Erol, please.
Vine here.
So, for the second time Maestracci cut off the question, this time with the statement, “You are so not interested in the answers.” But even when Inner City Press emailed questions after the briefing to Maestracci and Ban's lead spokesman, no answers were received. This is today's UN.
Further on the UN rapes, now in the DRC Congo, Inner City Press asked:
Inner City Press: Just for the record, the answer I was asking for is what legal advice UNICEF gave. But, I hear… since you said to wait, I wanted to ask you this. In 2012… I don't know if it was in this room or a previous UN briefing room… there was discussion of the rape of two girls in the DRC [Democratic Republic of the Congo] by three… they believe they're from Uruguay but three peacekeepers in the DRC. This was alleged by Dr. Victoria Fontan of the UN University of Peace in Costa Rica. It was said there would be an investigation, but nothing has ever been said of either the peacekeepers being held responsible or the SRSG [Special Representative of the Secretary-General] of the Mission at the time or DPKO [Department of Peacekeeping Operations]. So, I wanted to know… I'm asking you, I don't expect you necessarily to know from the podium, but this is an answer I'm extremely interested in — what happened?
Associate Spokesperson: I don't know about the specific case obviously from 2012. But, I think you've heard what the Secretary-General has been saying all of last week and what he's, what he's been pushing when it comes to both misconduct and… including… sorry, misconduct including sexual exploitation and abuse. I mean, he's been very strong. He has shown his resolve to push this forward and to make sure that there is, you know, institutional accountability, responsibility, but also that Member States provide us with the information that we ask because, as you know, there is a limit, some things are up to Member States. But, obviously, he's very determined to make progress in this, in this area for the victims of misconduct.
Inner City Press: But, what happened in this case?
Associate Spokesperson: I don't know. I just said that.
Inner City Press: I'm asking, can you ask DPKO? The two victims’ names were Gisele and Esperanz…
Associate Spokesperson: Sure. Why don't you send me an e-mail rather than saying everything here. Oleg.
Another cut off. And to the detailed email sent after the briefing, no answer at all. This is today's or Ban's UN. Here was the final exchange of the day, about Ban Ki-moon's speech to bankers:
Inner City Press: there was an article in The Buffalo News saying that the Secretary-General had gone to Buffalo and given a speech in front of 150 people in the M&T Bank headquarters for a couple of reasons. One… I'm interested because M&T Bank has a bank merger that's been stalled out for three years due to allegations of money-laundering and lending discrimination, but mostly I wanted to know, did he give such a speech? Can we get the text of the speech? Why wasn't it given in advance? And did he raise these issues about lending fairness and money laundering in his discussions with the CEO of the bank?
Associate Spokesperson: So this was mainly a private visit. He went to visit Buffalo and Niagara Falls, actually, and he was invited by someone he's known for a long time to address this… this group of people that you've mentioned. We didn't put it out, again, because it was mostly, mainly, largely, a private visit. He was with his family over the weekend.
Inner City Press: Were the people there all employees of the bank? Was…
Associate Spokesperson: No, I think it was community leaders from all over Buffalo, if I understand correctly.
Inner City Press: Do you have the remarks?
Associate Spokesperson: I'll check, but, again: mainly private visit and I don't think we'd be sharing them. Anything else? Great. Have a good afternoon.
No answers. This is today's or Ban's UN, UNtransparent and worse - and the Free UN Coalition for Access opposes it. Watch this site.
Monday, December 22, 2014
At UN, 123 NGOs & Sudan Experts Call for Herve Ladsous' Ouster After Cover Ups in Darfur As in DR Congo Before
By Matthew Russell Lee
UNITED NATIONS, December 22, more here -- Amid the cover up of rapes in Darfur by UN Peacekeeping, whose chief Herve Ladsous met with Sudan's International Criminal Court - indicted president Omar al Bashir without ever explaining why, 123 non-governmental organizations and human rights experts and activists have called for Ladsous to be fired. Ladsous video here, Vine here.
Inner City Press has obtained the letter and published it below. This follows UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon taking no questions about Darfur or Sudan during his December 17 press conference (at which, as noted by the Free UN Coalition for Access, Ban seemed to have the content of questions in advance.)
The letter is copied to the presidents / prime minister, foreign ministers and UN ambassadors of the US, UK and France. How will they respond, particularly France which installed Ladsous atop UN Peacekeeping after their first selection, Jerome Bonnafont, was rejected at the last minute by the UN? And how might this new outspokenness of NGOs impact attempts to install Andrew Lansley atop the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs?
The letter saays, "The result has been a vastly expensive and discredited UN mission, led by Herve Ladsous, who consistently and deliberately diminishes the scale of the conflict in Darfur, thereby enabling Khartoum’s crimes to flourish, whilst the international community congratulates itself on improved circumstances in Darfur."
The letter's final paragraph begins, "At the very least Herve Ladsous should not continue his role at the UN DPKO."
Here is the letter, about which we will have more:
Mr Ban Ki-Moon
Secretary-General of the United Nations
22 December 2014
Dear Secretary-General
Re the ICC arrest warrant for President al Bashir
We are a group of NGOs, individuals, representatives of Sudanese political parties and interested partners.
We write regarding the announcement by the ICC Chief Prosecutor that she is suspending new investigations in the cases of President al Bashir and those Sudanese officials indicted for genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity.
We share the Chief Prosecutor’s frustration that members of the United Nations Security Council have
demonstrated an insufficient engagement with the ICC’s repeated demands for international co-operation in holding to account those indicted for their part in gross violations of human rights in Darfur. It is notable that even signatories to the Rome Statute have ignored their obligations to bring President al Bashir and his fellow Sudanese indictees to justice.
However, we fear that the Chief Prosecutor’s intervention will only serve to embolden the Sudanese armed forces and their proxies in their systematic campaign to ethnically cleanse Sudan of those they wish to eliminate. Fatou Bensouda’s attempt to shine a spotlight on the UN Security Council, whilst temporarily suspending investigations, has already had the unfortunate consequence of making those responsible for atrocities in Sudan believe that they have won the moral battle. They now compute that killing, bombing, raping, burning, intimidating, and looting can be continued with impunity.
The UN Security Council has had many opportunities to enforce numerous resolutions on Darfur from 2004 onward concerned with pressing the Sudanese government to stop bombing and attacking its own unarmed civilians. However, the Security Council has consistently refrained from enforcing resolutions giving permission to impose targeted smart sanctions and travel bans on the architects of the ethnic cleansing in Darfur. Consequently, those indicted by the ICC have continued to travel without fear of arrest; their assets could have been frozen, according to the UNSC’s resolutions, and yet no action has been taken, despite the repeated refusal of indictees to make good their promises to the UNSC and to you personally.
One disturbing aspect of the UNSC’s reluctance to press the government of Sudan to obey international treaties and conventions it has signed has been the failure to demand that the Khartoum regime investigate the deaths of UNAMID personnel and to bring to justice those responsible. Nothing has been done to follow up expressions of concern following the killing of the UN’s own staff by proxies closely associated with the Sudanese regime. The signal this sends the Sudanese regime is one of only a token gesture. Unsurprisingly those indicted by the ICC have concluded they can ignore these statements and continue perpetrating atrocities with no accountability.
Another consequence of the UN lack of consistent and meaningful pressure on the government of Sudan is that UNAMID has been rendered impotent. While its personnel know they cannot count on support from New York when they are prevented from performing their duties by Sudanese officials, they will be unwilling to risk their lives by trying to fulfil their mandate to protect civilians and report on suspected human rights abuses. The result has been a vastly expensive and discredited UN mission, led by Herve Ladsous, who consistently and deliberately diminishes the scale of the conflict in Darfur, thereby enabling Khartoum’s crimes to flourish, whilst the international community congratulates itself on improved circumstances in Darfur.
It is against this background that President al Bashir has felt at ease traveling the world, breaking his promises to the UNSC, and making fools of the international community. The Sudanese leader has perceived weakness, indifference and insincerity, and has pressed on with his policy of ethnic cleansing the minorities of Sudan.
At the very least Herve Ladsous should not continue his role at the UN DPKO. Moreover, if the UNSC is to have any credibility in future it must begin to enforce the smart targeted sanctions, asset freezes and travel bans on those indicted by the ICC. If member states refuse to co-operate, they should face penalties accordingly. This is a wake-up call to the UNSC and to your office personally: to redeem credibility, it is time to apply sustained and genuine pressure on those indicted by the ICC. We have long since appealed to the UN to help save the lives of millions at risk in Darfur. This plea has so far gone unanswered. Hence we hope a direct request to you and your office, the UNSC and the head of the UN DPKO will command the attention it deserves.
Yours sincerely
1. Waging Peace, Olivia Warham MBE, Director (UK)
2. Voice for Nyala, Elena Ghizzo, Coordinator (UK)
3. Darfur Development Agenda, Saifeldin Nemir (YEMEN)
4. Article 1, Madeleine Crowther, Research, Refugee & Campaigns Assistant (UK)
5. Darfur Bar Association, Abdelrahman Mohamed Gasim , Protection and External Relations
6. Humanitarian Aid Relief Trust (HART), Baroness Cox House of Lords and CEO (UK)
7. Humanitarian Aid Relief Trust (HART), Alice Robinson, Advocacy and Communications Manager
8. Zarga Organization for Rural Development, Mustafa Adam Ahmed, Director (UK)
9. Darfur Victims Organization for Rehabilitation and Relief (DVORR), Ishag Mekki, Chair (UK)
10. Eric Reeves, Professor, Smith College & Sudan Expert (USA)
11. The Elsa-Gopa Trust, Nell Okie, Director (USA)
12. Congolese Genocide Awareness (CGA), Anthony Kasongo, Executive Director (USA)
13. Religious Liberty Program and Church Alliance for a New Sudan, Faith J. H. McDonnell, Director,
14. Sudan Unlimited, Esther Sprague, Director (USA)
15. Never Again Coalition, Lauren Fortgang and Diane Koosed, Co-Chairs (USA)
16. Hamid E. Ali, PhD, Associate Professor and Department Chair, Department of Public Policy and
17. Justice & Equality Movement Sudan (JEM), Gebreil I M Fediel, Chairperson
18. Darfur Humanitarian Advocacy Australia, Eltayeb Mohamed Ali Abdelrahim, President
19. National Sudanese Women Alliance in Diaspora , Suhair Sharif, Chairwoman (UK)
20. Jews Against Genocide, New York, Eileen Weiss, Co-Founder (USA)
21. New York Coalition for Sudan, Neiki Ullah, Communications Director (USA)
22. Sudan Advocacy Action Forum, Dr. Eleanor Wright, Moderator (USA)
23. Give Back Project, Waleed Abdallah, Project manager (UK)
24. Beja Congress UK , Mohammed Alhalengy (UK)
25. Idaho Darfur Coalition, Marcia Prasch, Co-Founder (USA)
26. The House of the Lord Churches, Rev. Dr. Herbert Daughtry, National Presiding Minister (USA)
27. Umma National Party of Sudan, Mariam Alsadig Almahdi, Vice President
28. Sudanese Community Church of Denver, The Rev Dr Oja B Gafour, PhD, Vicar (USA)
29. African Freedom Coalition, New York City, Al Sutton MD, President (USA)
30. Brooklyn Coalition for Darfur & Marginalized Sudan, USA, Laura Limuli, Coordinator (USA)
31. Genocide Watch, Dr Gregory H. Stanton, President & Professor, George Mason University (USA)
32. Women Voice for Peace in Sudan, Mastora Bakhiet (USA)
33. Ubuntu Women Institute USA, Sunday Taabu, Founder (USA)
34. Stop Genocide Now, Gabriel Stauring, Founder (USA)
(UK)
Institute on Religion and Democracy (USA)
Administration, The American University in Cairo (EGYPT)
(AUSTRALIA)
35. Ahmed H Adam, Visiting Fellow, Institute for African Development, Cornell University (USA)
36. Unite for Darfur Organization, Bahar Arabie, CEO (USA)
37. Darfur Interfaith Network, Martha Boshnick (USA)
38. Raga Gibreel, Green Kordofan, Founder (UK)
39. Darfur Australia Network (DAN), Guna Subramaniam (AUSTRALIA)
40. Women From The Far West, Mariam shaw, Founder (UK)
41. Darfur Association in Uganda, Mohamed Ishaq Abdulshafi, President (UGANDA)
42. Sudan Broad National Front, Mr Ali Mahmoud Hassanein, Chairman
43. Namaa Al-Mahdi, Member of the National Umma Party Executive Committee (USA)
44. Darfur Union UK & Ireland, Muatasim Mahadi, Chairman (UK)
45. Darfur Union UK & Ireland, Motaz Bargo, Secretary General (UK)
46. Darfur Center for Transitional Justice & Peace Studies, Dr Enas Osman Ahmed,
Executive Director (USA)
47. Sudan Liberation Movement Second Revolution, Abdellatife Ismail, Deputy Chairman (UK)
48. SUDO, Osman Mansour, Coordinator (UK)
49. Voice of Darfur Women, Mariam Suliman, Chairperson (UK)
50. Nuba Now, Claire Budd (UK)
51. Georgia Coalition to Prevent Genocide, Melanie Melkin, Chair, (USA)
52. Pittsburgh Darfur Emergency Coalition, David Rosenberg, Coordinator (USA)
53. Dear Sudan, Love Marin, Gerri Miller, Founder and Coordinator (USA)
54. San Francisco Bay Area Darfur Coalition, Mohamed Suleiman, President (USA)
55. Commission of Protection of Civilians and Promotion of Women and Children Rights, SPLM
Controlled Areas, Monim El Jak, Vice President (KENYA)
56. Nuba Mountains Peoples Foundation, Elrayah Kakki, Chief Executive Officer
57. SPLM-N, Kamal Kambal (UK)
58. World Peace and Reconciliation, Adeeb Yousif (USA)
59. Carl Wilkens Fellowship, Katie-Jay Scott, Program Facilitator (USA)
60. EASE Women Group, Amal Elsheikh (UK)
61. Sudan Solidarity Network, Sabir Abu Saadia (SOUTH AFRICA)
62. Mohammed Hamid, Journalist (UK)
63. Darfur Action Group of South Carolina, Richard Sribnick, Chairman (USA)
64. Investors Against Genocide, Eric Cohen, Chairperson (USA)
65. Act for Sudan, Martina Knee, Co-Founder (USA)
66. Massachusetts Coalition for Darfur, William Rosenfeld, Director (USA)
67. Sudan Liberation Movement Minni Minawi, Abuobieda Elkhalifa
68. Collectif Urgence Darfour, Dr Jacky Mamou, Chairman (FRANÃŽ)
69. Joining Our Voices, Slater Armstrong, Founder/Director (USA)
70. Umma Party, USA Chapter, Abdul Suliman (USA)
71. Beja Congress UK, Dr Abu Amnas (UK)
72. SOESA INC, Bakri Omer, Director (AUSTRALIA)
73. Darfur Call, Abdelhadi Abaker, Chairman (THE NETHERLANDS)
74. Nuba Relief, Rehabilitation & Development Organisation, Nagwa Musa Konda (SUDAN)
75. People4Sudan, Zeinab Blandia, Chief Executive (USA)
76. Nuba Christian Family Mission, George Tutu, Founder/Director/Chairman (USA)
77. Darfur Union, The Netherlands, Eisa Mustafa, Chairman (THE NETHERLANDS)
78. National Unionist Party UK & Europe, Amin Hamad, Head of the Party’s Committee (UK)
79. Beja Congress Corrective, Zeinab Kabbashi, Chairperson (UK)
80. Sudan Organisation for Development, Zeinab Malik, Chairperson (UK)
81. DAAM (Network for Coordinating Sudan Pro-Democracy Action Abroad), Ali Abdelatif,
Coordinator (UK)
82. Norwegian Church Aid, Dawood Narbi Kodi, Program Manager (NORWAY)
83. Rabah Alsadiq, Deputy Editor-in-Chief, Hurriyat E-Newspaper ( SUDAN)
84. Sports League of Sudanese Expatriates, Abdel Al-Monim Omer Osman
85. Society of Sudanese Journalists Abroad, Ismael Mohammed Ali, General Secretary
86. The League of Friends of Mahjoub Shareif, Mohammed Abdel-Jalil, Chairman
87. Sudan Association of Transitional Justice, Ali Zain Elabdein, (SUDAN)
88. Gaafer Ali, Community Activist, UK
89. Mohammed Bahari, Activist, UK
90. Abdalla Ahmed, Activist, UK
91. Sam Godolphin, Activist, UK
92. Ahmed Elzobier, Human Rights Activist, UK
93. Ahmed Gamar, Activist, UK
94. Hamza Yousif, Activist UK
95. Emmanuel Walla, South Sudan, Activist
96. Mohamed El Faki Hamilton, Darfuri and Human Rights Activist
97. Zahir Moh Musa Akasha, Civil Society and Human Rights Activist
98. Alhadi Altrayih, Activist, UK
99. Mohammed Abaker, Activist, UK
100. Ali Rahman, Activist, UK
101. Rasha Ibrahim, Activist, UK
102. Khalid Kodi, Activist, USA
103. Ahmed Ballah, Activist, UK
104. Samia Adnan, Activist, UK
105. Zeena Farouk, Activist, UK
106. Ahmed Farouk, Activist, Belgium
107. Farah Farouk, Activist, Vietnam
108. Abaker Abuebashar, Activist, UK
109. Mona Zanoon, Activist, UK
110. Zahir Akasha, Activist, UK
111. Aboud Arosh, Activist, UK
112. Abdulazim Ahmed, Activist, UK
113. Amal Habani, Journalist/Human Rights Activist, SUDAN
114. Rasha Ibrahim, Activist, UK
115. Hashim Othman Mustafa Ibrahim, Activist, UK
116. Reverend Heidi McGinness, Activist USA
117. Mustafa Siry Suliman, Journalist, UK
118. Mohamed Hamid, Journalist, UK
119. Nasredeen Abdulbari, Activist, USA
120. Siddique Al-Mouj, Journalist, SAUDI ARABIA
121. Samih Elshaikh, Blogger, BELGIUM
122. Elsadig Adam Ismael, Human Right Activist, SUDAN
123. Altahir Ishag Eldouma, Journalist/Writer, SUDAN
cc
David Cameron, UK Prime Minister
President Barack Obama, President of the United States
Francois Hollande, President of France
Philip Hammond, UK Foreign Secretary
John Kerry, Secretary of State, USA
Laurent Fabius, Foreign Minister of France
Sir Mark Lyall Grant, UK Ambassador to the UN
Samantha Power, USA Ambassador to the UN
Francois Delattre, Ambassador, Permanent Representative of France to the United Nations
Secretary-General of the United Nations
22 December 2014
Dear Secretary-General
Re the ICC arrest warrant for President al Bashir
We are a group of NGOs, individuals, representatives of Sudanese political parties and interested partners.
We write regarding the announcement by the ICC Chief Prosecutor that she is suspending new investigations in the cases of President al Bashir and those Sudanese officials indicted for genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity.
We share the Chief Prosecutor’s frustration that members of the United Nations Security Council have
demonstrated an insufficient engagement with the ICC’s repeated demands for international co-operation in holding to account those indicted for their part in gross violations of human rights in Darfur. It is notable that even signatories to the Rome Statute have ignored their obligations to bring President al Bashir and his fellow Sudanese indictees to justice.
However, we fear that the Chief Prosecutor’s intervention will only serve to embolden the Sudanese armed forces and their proxies in their systematic campaign to ethnically cleanse Sudan of those they wish to eliminate. Fatou Bensouda’s attempt to shine a spotlight on the UN Security Council, whilst temporarily suspending investigations, has already had the unfortunate consequence of making those responsible for atrocities in Sudan believe that they have won the moral battle. They now compute that killing, bombing, raping, burning, intimidating, and looting can be continued with impunity.
The UN Security Council has had many opportunities to enforce numerous resolutions on Darfur from 2004 onward concerned with pressing the Sudanese government to stop bombing and attacking its own unarmed civilians. However, the Security Council has consistently refrained from enforcing resolutions giving permission to impose targeted smart sanctions and travel bans on the architects of the ethnic cleansing in Darfur. Consequently, those indicted by the ICC have continued to travel without fear of arrest; their assets could have been frozen, according to the UNSC’s resolutions, and yet no action has been taken, despite the repeated refusal of indictees to make good their promises to the UNSC and to you personally.
One disturbing aspect of the UNSC’s reluctance to press the government of Sudan to obey international treaties and conventions it has signed has been the failure to demand that the Khartoum regime investigate the deaths of UNAMID personnel and to bring to justice those responsible. Nothing has been done to follow up expressions of concern following the killing of the UN’s own staff by proxies closely associated with the Sudanese regime. The signal this sends the Sudanese regime is one of only a token gesture. Unsurprisingly those indicted by the ICC have concluded they can ignore these statements and continue perpetrating atrocities with no accountability.
Another consequence of the UN lack of consistent and meaningful pressure on the government of Sudan is that UNAMID has been rendered impotent. While its personnel know they cannot count on support from New York when they are prevented from performing their duties by Sudanese officials, they will be unwilling to risk their lives by trying to fulfil their mandate to protect civilians and report on suspected human rights abuses. The result has been a vastly expensive and discredited UN mission, led by Herve Ladsous, who consistently and deliberately diminishes the scale of the conflict in Darfur, thereby enabling Khartoum’s crimes to flourish, whilst the international community congratulates itself on improved circumstances in Darfur.
It is against this background that President al Bashir has felt at ease traveling the world, breaking his promises to the UNSC, and making fools of the international community. The Sudanese leader has perceived weakness, indifference and insincerity, and has pressed on with his policy of ethnic cleansing the minorities of Sudan.
At the very least Herve Ladsous should not continue his role at the UN DPKO. Moreover, if the UNSC is to have any credibility in future it must begin to enforce the smart targeted sanctions, asset freezes and travel bans on those indicted by the ICC. If member states refuse to co-operate, they should face penalties accordingly. This is a wake-up call to the UNSC and to your office personally: to redeem credibility, it is time to apply sustained and genuine pressure on those indicted by the ICC. We have long since appealed to the UN to help save the lives of millions at risk in Darfur. This plea has so far gone unanswered. Hence we hope a direct request to you and your office, the UNSC and the head of the UN DPKO will command the attention it deserves.
Yours sincerely
1. Waging Peace, Olivia Warham MBE, Director (UK)
2. Voice for Nyala, Elena Ghizzo, Coordinator (UK)
3. Darfur Development Agenda, Saifeldin Nemir (YEMEN)
4. Article 1, Madeleine Crowther, Research, Refugee & Campaigns Assistant (UK)
5. Darfur Bar Association, Abdelrahman Mohamed Gasim , Protection and External Relations
6. Humanitarian Aid Relief Trust (HART), Baroness Cox House of Lords and CEO (UK)
7. Humanitarian Aid Relief Trust (HART), Alice Robinson, Advocacy and Communications Manager
8. Zarga Organization for Rural Development, Mustafa Adam Ahmed, Director (UK)
9. Darfur Victims Organization for Rehabilitation and Relief (DVORR), Ishag Mekki, Chair (UK)
10. Eric Reeves, Professor, Smith College & Sudan Expert (USA)
11. The Elsa-Gopa Trust, Nell Okie, Director (USA)
12. Congolese Genocide Awareness (CGA), Anthony Kasongo, Executive Director (USA)
13. Religious Liberty Program and Church Alliance for a New Sudan, Faith J. H. McDonnell, Director,
14. Sudan Unlimited, Esther Sprague, Director (USA)
15. Never Again Coalition, Lauren Fortgang and Diane Koosed, Co-Chairs (USA)
16. Hamid E. Ali, PhD, Associate Professor and Department Chair, Department of Public Policy and
17. Justice & Equality Movement Sudan (JEM), Gebreil I M Fediel, Chairperson
18. Darfur Humanitarian Advocacy Australia, Eltayeb Mohamed Ali Abdelrahim, President
19. National Sudanese Women Alliance in Diaspora , Suhair Sharif, Chairwoman (UK)
20. Jews Against Genocide, New York, Eileen Weiss, Co-Founder (USA)
21. New York Coalition for Sudan, Neiki Ullah, Communications Director (USA)
22. Sudan Advocacy Action Forum, Dr. Eleanor Wright, Moderator (USA)
23. Give Back Project, Waleed Abdallah, Project manager (UK)
24. Beja Congress UK , Mohammed Alhalengy (UK)
25. Idaho Darfur Coalition, Marcia Prasch, Co-Founder (USA)
26. The House of the Lord Churches, Rev. Dr. Herbert Daughtry, National Presiding Minister (USA)
27. Umma National Party of Sudan, Mariam Alsadig Almahdi, Vice President
28. Sudanese Community Church of Denver, The Rev Dr Oja B Gafour, PhD, Vicar (USA)
29. African Freedom Coalition, New York City, Al Sutton MD, President (USA)
30. Brooklyn Coalition for Darfur & Marginalized Sudan, USA, Laura Limuli, Coordinator (USA)
31. Genocide Watch, Dr Gregory H. Stanton, President & Professor, George Mason University (USA)
32. Women Voice for Peace in Sudan, Mastora Bakhiet (USA)
33. Ubuntu Women Institute USA, Sunday Taabu, Founder (USA)
34. Stop Genocide Now, Gabriel Stauring, Founder (USA)
(UK)
Institute on Religion and Democracy (USA)
Administration, The American University in Cairo (EGYPT)
(AUSTRALIA)
35. Ahmed H Adam, Visiting Fellow, Institute for African Development, Cornell University (USA)
36. Unite for Darfur Organization, Bahar Arabie, CEO (USA)
37. Darfur Interfaith Network, Martha Boshnick (USA)
38. Raga Gibreel, Green Kordofan, Founder (UK)
39. Darfur Australia Network (DAN), Guna Subramaniam (AUSTRALIA)
40. Women From The Far West, Mariam shaw, Founder (UK)
41. Darfur Association in Uganda, Mohamed Ishaq Abdulshafi, President (UGANDA)
42. Sudan Broad National Front, Mr Ali Mahmoud Hassanein, Chairman
43. Namaa Al-Mahdi, Member of the National Umma Party Executive Committee (USA)
44. Darfur Union UK & Ireland, Muatasim Mahadi, Chairman (UK)
45. Darfur Union UK & Ireland, Motaz Bargo, Secretary General (UK)
46. Darfur Center for Transitional Justice & Peace Studies, Dr Enas Osman Ahmed,
Executive Director (USA)
47. Sudan Liberation Movement Second Revolution, Abdellatife Ismail, Deputy Chairman (UK)
48. SUDO, Osman Mansour, Coordinator (UK)
49. Voice of Darfur Women, Mariam Suliman, Chairperson (UK)
50. Nuba Now, Claire Budd (UK)
51. Georgia Coalition to Prevent Genocide, Melanie Melkin, Chair, (USA)
52. Pittsburgh Darfur Emergency Coalition, David Rosenberg, Coordinator (USA)
53. Dear Sudan, Love Marin, Gerri Miller, Founder and Coordinator (USA)
54. San Francisco Bay Area Darfur Coalition, Mohamed Suleiman, President (USA)
55. Commission of Protection of Civilians and Promotion of Women and Children Rights, SPLM
Controlled Areas, Monim El Jak, Vice President (KENYA)
56. Nuba Mountains Peoples Foundation, Elrayah Kakki, Chief Executive Officer
57. SPLM-N, Kamal Kambal (UK)
58. World Peace and Reconciliation, Adeeb Yousif (USA)
59. Carl Wilkens Fellowship, Katie-Jay Scott, Program Facilitator (USA)
60. EASE Women Group, Amal Elsheikh (UK)
61. Sudan Solidarity Network, Sabir Abu Saadia (SOUTH AFRICA)
62. Mohammed Hamid, Journalist (UK)
63. Darfur Action Group of South Carolina, Richard Sribnick, Chairman (USA)
64. Investors Against Genocide, Eric Cohen, Chairperson (USA)
65. Act for Sudan, Martina Knee, Co-Founder (USA)
66. Massachusetts Coalition for Darfur, William Rosenfeld, Director (USA)
67. Sudan Liberation Movement Minni Minawi, Abuobieda Elkhalifa
68. Collectif Urgence Darfour, Dr Jacky Mamou, Chairman (FRANÃŽ)
69. Joining Our Voices, Slater Armstrong, Founder/Director (USA)
70. Umma Party, USA Chapter, Abdul Suliman (USA)
71. Beja Congress UK, Dr Abu Amnas (UK)
72. SOESA INC, Bakri Omer, Director (AUSTRALIA)
73. Darfur Call, Abdelhadi Abaker, Chairman (THE NETHERLANDS)
74. Nuba Relief, Rehabilitation & Development Organisation, Nagwa Musa Konda (SUDAN)
75. People4Sudan, Zeinab Blandia, Chief Executive (USA)
76. Nuba Christian Family Mission, George Tutu, Founder/Director/Chairman (USA)
77. Darfur Union, The Netherlands, Eisa Mustafa, Chairman (THE NETHERLANDS)
78. National Unionist Party UK & Europe, Amin Hamad, Head of the Party’s Committee (UK)
79. Beja Congress Corrective, Zeinab Kabbashi, Chairperson (UK)
80. Sudan Organisation for Development, Zeinab Malik, Chairperson (UK)
81. DAAM (Network for Coordinating Sudan Pro-Democracy Action Abroad), Ali Abdelatif,
Coordinator (UK)
82. Norwegian Church Aid, Dawood Narbi Kodi, Program Manager (NORWAY)
83. Rabah Alsadiq, Deputy Editor-in-Chief, Hurriyat E-Newspaper ( SUDAN)
84. Sports League of Sudanese Expatriates, Abdel Al-Monim Omer Osman
85. Society of Sudanese Journalists Abroad, Ismael Mohammed Ali, General Secretary
86. The League of Friends of Mahjoub Shareif, Mohammed Abdel-Jalil, Chairman
87. Sudan Association of Transitional Justice, Ali Zain Elabdein, (SUDAN)
88. Gaafer Ali, Community Activist, UK
89. Mohammed Bahari, Activist, UK
90. Abdalla Ahmed, Activist, UK
91. Sam Godolphin, Activist, UK
92. Ahmed Elzobier, Human Rights Activist, UK
93. Ahmed Gamar, Activist, UK
94. Hamza Yousif, Activist UK
95. Emmanuel Walla, South Sudan, Activist
96. Mohamed El Faki Hamilton, Darfuri and Human Rights Activist
97. Zahir Moh Musa Akasha, Civil Society and Human Rights Activist
98. Alhadi Altrayih, Activist, UK
99. Mohammed Abaker, Activist, UK
100. Ali Rahman, Activist, UK
101. Rasha Ibrahim, Activist, UK
102. Khalid Kodi, Activist, USA
103. Ahmed Ballah, Activist, UK
104. Samia Adnan, Activist, UK
105. Zeena Farouk, Activist, UK
106. Ahmed Farouk, Activist, Belgium
107. Farah Farouk, Activist, Vietnam
108. Abaker Abuebashar, Activist, UK
109. Mona Zanoon, Activist, UK
110. Zahir Akasha, Activist, UK
111. Aboud Arosh, Activist, UK
112. Abdulazim Ahmed, Activist, UK
113. Amal Habani, Journalist/Human Rights Activist, SUDAN
114. Rasha Ibrahim, Activist, UK
115. Hashim Othman Mustafa Ibrahim, Activist, UK
116. Reverend Heidi McGinness, Activist USA
117. Mustafa Siry Suliman, Journalist, UK
118. Mohamed Hamid, Journalist, UK
119. Nasredeen Abdulbari, Activist, USA
120. Siddique Al-Mouj, Journalist, SAUDI ARABIA
121. Samih Elshaikh, Blogger, BELGIUM
122. Elsadig Adam Ismael, Human Right Activist, SUDAN
123. Altahir Ishag Eldouma, Journalist/Writer, SUDAN
cc
David Cameron, UK Prime Minister
President Barack Obama, President of the United States
Francois Hollande, President of France
Philip Hammond, UK Foreign Secretary
John Kerry, Secretary of State, USA
Laurent Fabius, Foreign Minister of France
Sir Mark Lyall Grant, UK Ambassador to the UN
Samantha Power, USA Ambassador to the UN
Francois Delattre, Ambassador, Permanent Representative of France to the United Nations
When UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon held a press conference on December 17, there were no questions about UN scandals such as UN Peacekeeping under Herve Ladsous covering up mass rape in Darfur as he did in Minova in Eastern Congo (nor about UN Peacekeepers shooting protesters in Haiti).
In fact, as Ban read his answers from prepared noted, it seemed to many that Ban had been given the questions in advance.
Ban's spokesman Stephane Dujarric set aside the first question for the outgoing head of the UN Correspondents Association, who lobbed a softball question on a topic Ban has no power over or responsibility for. This is how it works. UNCA used Ban to give a faux "UN" award to a Turkish billionaire only the night before, and to hand up a Haiti award with no reference to cholera or shooting at protesters.
But the omission of the cover up of rapes in Tabit in Darfur was particularly egregious, and telling. The UNAMID mission there under Herve Ladsous on November 9 issued a statement that "village community leaders reiterated to UNAMID that they coexist peacefully with local military authorities in the area" and that no evidence of rape was found.
On December 4, Inner City Press asked Ladsous, Why did UNAMID not say on November 9 that it was surrounded by soldiers? Video here,and embedded below.
As is his habit, Ladsous did not answer on December 4, even with his UN Peacekeeping under fire for cover ups. It is a pattern with Ladsous. He refused Press questions for months about rapes in Eastern Congo in Minova by DRC Army units his UN Peacekeeping supports: video compilation here; Vine here.
On the morning of December 4 Ladsous claimed to the Security Council that UNAMID's findings were "inconclusive" due to army presence. But his UNAMID's press release whitewashed the situation in Tabit and did not mention the army presence. The covering-up continues, with no credibility, as Ladsous did on the Minova raped by DR Congo Army units his UN Peacekeeping supports.
On November 25, a wide range of groups in Darfur petitioned the UN Security Council about UNAMID's malfeasance. Inner City Press that morning obtained the letter (h/t) and put it online in full here, and below.
While UN Spokesperson Stephane Dujarric, when Inner City Press asked at noon, said he had not seen the letter, by 6 pm when Inner City Press asked November's Security Council president about the letter, he confirmed receipt.
Quinlan said he had circulated the letter to the other 14 Council members -- as of 3 pm, one of them had not yet received it -- and that he expects the issues to be considered when the Security Council takes up UNAMID "next week, under Chad's presidency."
(On November 26, the UK Mission to the UN"s Arran Skinner told Inner City Press, "I can confirm that we received the letter indirectly. In terms of contents, on alleged rape cases, the Security Council issued a press statement calling for a full investigation. The UK initiated the call for a press statement and so agree that this issue needs to be looked at." Another Security Council mission has yet to confirm receipt or comment, but it's expected.)
On Ban Ki-moon's report into UNAMID under-reporting attacks on civilians and even peacekeepers, Inner City Press asked and Quinlan repeated it should be taken up soon, the question is finding the right, credible (or disinterested) briefer. Watch this site for that. Here is the letter:
11/25/2014
Dear Gary Quinlan, Australia's Permanent Representative to the United Nations,President of the United Nations Security Council, November 2014
United Nations
New York, NY
c. Ban Ki-moon, UN Secretary-General
Valerie Amos, Under-Secretary-General for the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs
Hervé Ladsous, Under-Secretary-General of the UN Department of Peacekeeping Operations United Nations
Dear Ambassador Quinlan,
As Darfuris in the diaspora, we have watched with great sorrow and growing anger the plight of our people in this ravaged region of Sudan. Darfur at one time commanded considerable attention in the United Nations, but no longer.
Dear Gary Quinlan, Australia's Permanent Representative to the United Nations,President of the United Nations Security Council, November 2014
United Nations
New York, NY
c. Ban Ki-moon, UN Secretary-General
Valerie Amos, Under-Secretary-General for the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs
Hervé Ladsous, Under-Secretary-General of the UN Department of Peacekeeping Operations United Nations
Dear Ambassador Quinlan,
As Darfuris in the diaspora, we have watched with great sorrow and growing anger the plight of our people in this ravaged region of Sudan. Darfur at one time commanded considerable attention in the United Nations, but no longer.
The international community in general has drifted into an acceptance that somehow the UN/African Union Mission in Darfur (UNAMID) is an adequate means of protecting millions of vulnerable civilians. It is clearly not, and the recent mass sexual assault on women and girls in Tabit, North Darfur, makes this all too clear.
But the disgraceful "investigation" by UNAMID of events in Tabit should be the occasion for our remembering that this is, in fact, a UN-authorized mission; it has UN Chapter 7 authority; it is deployed with a Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA) negotiated by the UN and African Union (February 2008), even as the agreement is now simply a travesty, violated at will by the Khartoum regime. It is not, however, simply the failing of UNAMID and the African Union that must be reckoned with. It is the Security Council, the Secretariat, and UN Department of Peacekeeping Affairs (UN DPKO) that must accept responsibility for a failing mission; and it is UN DPKO that must do most to explain what it will do in light of this failure.
It is in this context that we demand that the following questions be addressed forthrightly and expeditiously:
[1] UNAMID, even if augmented and re-directed along the lines recently suggested by Secretary Ban Ki-moon, cannot provide adequate security for the people of Darfur. We demand that plans be made immediately for an UN force that can adequately take on the "responsibility to protect" civilians at risk, per the September 2005 UN World Summit Outcome Document (§38, §39).
[2] We demand that the Security Council and UN DPKO confront the Khartoum regime over its countless flagrant violations of the SOFA.
[3] We demand that UN DPKO undertake a full review of UNAMID's performance to date. The context here should be the fact that more than 2 million Darfuris have been newly displaced since UNAMID took up its mandate in January 2008; we would remind you of how closely violence and displacement have correlated over the past decade of conflict. Moreover, insecurity has increased steadily for more than two years—this on top of the insecurity that prevailed so widely in earlie years.
[4] We demand that UN DPKO, in consultation with the Security Council and the Secretariat, formulate plans to provide adequate protection to the civilian population of Darfur. This must include contingency plans for a very rapid acceleration of what is already unacceptable insecurity for civilians and humanitarians.
[5] We demand in particular that UN DPKO ensure that UNAMID is prepared to provide adequate protection to the people of Tabit, especially girls and women, from retaliation by Khartoum for having had the misfortune of making clear to the world just how brutal this regime is.
[6] We further demand that UN DPKO instruct UNAMID to provide all necessary protection to humanitarian efforts to reach Tabit. Many residents have been badly traumatized and injured.
[7] We also demand accountability from those who are responsible for the failures that led to the brutal crimes at Tabit, and so many others over so many years. Accountability must extend to the leadership of UNAMID and the African Union Peace and Security Council, as well as to the UN DPKO. As part of this assigning of responsibility, there must be a full and competent investigation, authorized by the Security Council of how this atrocity crime was essentially white-washed by all parties, most notably UNAMID. But we must emphasize as well that we are deeply troubled by the silence of UN DPKO.
[8] We demand that UNAMID be guided by the "rules of engagement" for UNAMID in Darfur that have been previously negotiated. UN DPKO must ensure that these "rules of engagement" are widely understood and dictate the actions taken by UNAMID personnel.
[9] We demand that UN DPKO assess the possibility that insecurity is now so great that there will be an exodus of international NGOs providing critical relief aid to Darfuris. Many INGOs have expressed their deep concern for the safety of their workers in Darfur, more than 95 percent of whom are Sudanese nationals. The safety of these workers must not be discounted because they are African and Khartoum permits no news coverage of Darfur and no human rights reporting presence.
Would relief workers similarly threatened in other parts of the world be regarded in the same light as Sudanese relief workers?
[10] We demand that UN DPKO communicate with the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) in order to ascertain when a continued humanitarian presence by the UN might become impossible for security reasons.
[11] We demand that UN DPKO assess the implications for future UN peacekeeping missions if
UNAMID is allowed to continue to fail so conspicuously. The events at Tabit and the performance of UNAMID investigators bring this question into high relief.
[12] Most generally, we demand that UN DPKO speak forthrightly about its understanding of the limitations and weaknesses of present peacekeeping in Darfur and the provision of civilian security.
We remain troubled by the comments of the Under-Secretary General for DPKO when in spring 2012 he declared that security "conditions on the ground" had improved sufficiently that UNAMID could begin to draw down its forces (a figure of 4,000 personnel was promulgated at the time). This ghastly error in judgment was never acknowledged, even as by July of 2012 we saw a tremendous upsurge in violence, especially in North Darfur. How can we trust statements from UN DPKO when egregious errors are not acknowledged?
[13] We demand that the United Nations collectively develop an effective response to the gross deficiencies of UNAMID in protecting civilians and humanitarians. UN DPKO in particular must develop benchmarks for assessing UNAMID's performance and formulate emergency contingency plans in the event of a massive and precipitous withdrawal of humanitarian personnel.
These are matters of the deepest concern to us; to date, there are far too few answers from UN about why the Darfur genocide continues more than a decade after it began. We demand clear evidence that the people of Darfur will not be further abandoned.
Sincerely,
Darfur People's Association of New York
Darfur People's Association of Maryland
Fur Cultural Revival
Darfur People's Association of Houston
Darfur People's Association of Dallas
Darfur People's Association of Illinois
Darfur Human Rights - USA
Massalit Sons' Association - USA
Darfur Rehabilitation Project
Sudanese Revolutionary Front
Sudanese Opposition Forces- USA
Broad National Front
Justice & Equality Movement - Sudan
Sudan Liberation Movement - MM
Sudan Liberation Movement - Wahid
SPLM-N
Umma Party
Girifna
Sudanese Marginalized Forum - USA
Sudanese National Democratic Forum - California
National Sudanese Alliance - Philadelphia
Peace & Democracy Center - New Jersey
Democratic Alliance, USA
Federal Democratic Alliance
Sudanese Front for Change
Kush Liberation Movement
Democratic Unionist Party
Activists without Borders
Sudanese Congress Party
Darfur People's Association of Boston
Darfur People's Association of Indiana
Darfur People's Association of Utah
Darfur People's Association of Nebraska
Darfur People's Association of Seattle
Darfur Son's Union of Greater Washington DC
Darfur People's Association of Iowa
Darfur People's Association of Arizona
Darfur Women Action Group
Darfur Association of the United States
Darfur Self-reliance Organization - San Francisco, California
But the disgraceful "investigation" by UNAMID of events in Tabit should be the occasion for our remembering that this is, in fact, a UN-authorized mission; it has UN Chapter 7 authority; it is deployed with a Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA) negotiated by the UN and African Union (February 2008), even as the agreement is now simply a travesty, violated at will by the Khartoum regime. It is not, however, simply the failing of UNAMID and the African Union that must be reckoned with. It is the Security Council, the Secretariat, and UN Department of Peacekeeping Affairs (UN DPKO) that must accept responsibility for a failing mission; and it is UN DPKO that must do most to explain what it will do in light of this failure.
It is in this context that we demand that the following questions be addressed forthrightly and expeditiously:
[1] UNAMID, even if augmented and re-directed along the lines recently suggested by Secretary Ban Ki-moon, cannot provide adequate security for the people of Darfur. We demand that plans be made immediately for an UN force that can adequately take on the "responsibility to protect" civilians at risk, per the September 2005 UN World Summit Outcome Document (§38, §39).
[2] We demand that the Security Council and UN DPKO confront the Khartoum regime over its countless flagrant violations of the SOFA.
[3] We demand that UN DPKO undertake a full review of UNAMID's performance to date. The context here should be the fact that more than 2 million Darfuris have been newly displaced since UNAMID took up its mandate in January 2008; we would remind you of how closely violence and displacement have correlated over the past decade of conflict. Moreover, insecurity has increased steadily for more than two years—this on top of the insecurity that prevailed so widely in earlie years.
[4] We demand that UN DPKO, in consultation with the Security Council and the Secretariat, formulate plans to provide adequate protection to the civilian population of Darfur. This must include contingency plans for a very rapid acceleration of what is already unacceptable insecurity for civilians and humanitarians.
[5] We demand in particular that UN DPKO ensure that UNAMID is prepared to provide adequate protection to the people of Tabit, especially girls and women, from retaliation by Khartoum for having had the misfortune of making clear to the world just how brutal this regime is.
[6] We further demand that UN DPKO instruct UNAMID to provide all necessary protection to humanitarian efforts to reach Tabit. Many residents have been badly traumatized and injured.
[7] We also demand accountability from those who are responsible for the failures that led to the brutal crimes at Tabit, and so many others over so many years. Accountability must extend to the leadership of UNAMID and the African Union Peace and Security Council, as well as to the UN DPKO. As part of this assigning of responsibility, there must be a full and competent investigation, authorized by the Security Council of how this atrocity crime was essentially white-washed by all parties, most notably UNAMID. But we must emphasize as well that we are deeply troubled by the silence of UN DPKO.
[8] We demand that UNAMID be guided by the "rules of engagement" for UNAMID in Darfur that have been previously negotiated. UN DPKO must ensure that these "rules of engagement" are widely understood and dictate the actions taken by UNAMID personnel.
[9] We demand that UN DPKO assess the possibility that insecurity is now so great that there will be an exodus of international NGOs providing critical relief aid to Darfuris. Many INGOs have expressed their deep concern for the safety of their workers in Darfur, more than 95 percent of whom are Sudanese nationals. The safety of these workers must not be discounted because they are African and Khartoum permits no news coverage of Darfur and no human rights reporting presence.
Would relief workers similarly threatened in other parts of the world be regarded in the same light as Sudanese relief workers?
[10] We demand that UN DPKO communicate with the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) in order to ascertain when a continued humanitarian presence by the UN might become impossible for security reasons.
[11] We demand that UN DPKO assess the implications for future UN peacekeeping missions if
UNAMID is allowed to continue to fail so conspicuously. The events at Tabit and the performance of UNAMID investigators bring this question into high relief.
[12] Most generally, we demand that UN DPKO speak forthrightly about its understanding of the limitations and weaknesses of present peacekeeping in Darfur and the provision of civilian security.
We remain troubled by the comments of the Under-Secretary General for DPKO when in spring 2012 he declared that security "conditions on the ground" had improved sufficiently that UNAMID could begin to draw down its forces (a figure of 4,000 personnel was promulgated at the time). This ghastly error in judgment was never acknowledged, even as by July of 2012 we saw a tremendous upsurge in violence, especially in North Darfur. How can we trust statements from UN DPKO when egregious errors are not acknowledged?
[13] We demand that the United Nations collectively develop an effective response to the gross deficiencies of UNAMID in protecting civilians and humanitarians. UN DPKO in particular must develop benchmarks for assessing UNAMID's performance and formulate emergency contingency plans in the event of a massive and precipitous withdrawal of humanitarian personnel.
These are matters of the deepest concern to us; to date, there are far too few answers from UN about why the Darfur genocide continues more than a decade after it began. We demand clear evidence that the people of Darfur will not be further abandoned.
Sincerely,
Darfur People's Association of New York
Darfur People's Association of Maryland
Fur Cultural Revival
Darfur People's Association of Houston
Darfur People's Association of Dallas
Darfur People's Association of Illinois
Darfur Human Rights - USA
Massalit Sons' Association - USA
Darfur Rehabilitation Project
Sudanese Revolutionary Front
Sudanese Opposition Forces- USA
Broad National Front
Justice & Equality Movement - Sudan
Sudan Liberation Movement - MM
Sudan Liberation Movement - Wahid
SPLM-N
Umma Party
Girifna
Sudanese Marginalized Forum - USA
Sudanese National Democratic Forum - California
National Sudanese Alliance - Philadelphia
Peace & Democracy Center - New Jersey
Democratic Alliance, USA
Federal Democratic Alliance
Sudanese Front for Change
Kush Liberation Movement
Democratic Unionist Party
Activists without Borders
Sudanese Congress Party
Darfur People's Association of Boston
Darfur People's Association of Indiana
Darfur People's Association of Utah
Darfur People's Association of Nebraska
Darfur People's Association of Seattle
Darfur Son's Union of Greater Washington DC
Darfur People's Association of Iowa
Darfur People's Association of Arizona
Darfur Women Action Group
Darfur Association of the United States
Darfur Self-reliance Organization - San Francisco, California
Inner City Press on November 21 asked UN Spokesman Stephane Dujarric to explain UNAMID's November 9 press release in the context of the internal memorandum, put online here, that UNAMID knew Sudanese security was filming the interviews, had even put together a "committee" of Thabit residents to speak to UNAMID. Video here.
Dujarric said he wouldn't start now to comment on leaks. There are other leaks implicating UN Peacekeeping's Herve Ladsous. Is not commenting, like Ladsous has refused to answer Press questions, the right approach for the UN?
Inner City Press on November 19 asked UN Spokesman Stephane Dujarric what the UN would do in the wake of its (cover up) November 9 press release, and about bombing in North Darfur three days earlier.
On November 20, UN Associate Spokesperson Vannina Maestracci was in charge of the UN noon briefing, and read out a statement that UNAMID is trying to verify the reports of bombing on November 16. One has to wonder, are they mishandling this like the rape reports in Thabit?
So Inner City Press asked, what is actually being done to get into Thabit, after the cover-up press release? Inner City Press asked about UNAMID's acting head Abiodun Bashua's reference to "rumors" of rape in Thabit - is that the UN's position? And why hasn't UNAMID accessed the site(s) of the November 16 bombings, four full days later?
On November 21, Dujarric returned with an answer, that UNAMID had in this case done out and had found "craters." But apparently UNAMID drew no conclusions from that.
Inner City Press at the November 17 UN noon briefing asked Ban's deputy spokesperson Farhan Haq about Sudanese forces having filmed UNAMID's interviews and to confirm the new blockage.
Haq did not comment on UNAMID letting its interviews about rape be filmed by Sudanese authorities; he confirmed the blockage and said to expect a comment from Ban.
And two hours later it came:
"The Secretary-General is deeply troubled about persistent allegations of mass rape in Thabit, North Darfur. The African Union-United Nations Hybrid Operation in Darfur (UNAMID) visited Thabit on 9 November. However, the heavy presence of military and police in Thabit made a conclusive investigation difficult. UNAMID has since then attempted to gain further access to shed light on what happened.
"The Secretary-General is concerned that after intense consultations with the Government in Khartoum and with local authorities in Darfur, UNAMID was yesterday denied access to Thabit. Only a full investigation by UNAMID will help shed light over these serious allegations. The Secretary-General therefore urges the Government of Sudan to grant UNAMID unfettered access, without further delay, to Thabit and its population so that these reports can be verified."
"The Secretary-General is concerned that after intense consultations with the Government in Khartoum and with local authorities in Darfur, UNAMID was yesterday denied access to Thabit. Only a full investigation by UNAMID will help shed light over these serious allegations. The Secretary-General therefore urges the Government of Sudan to grant UNAMID unfettered access, without further delay, to Thabit and its population so that these reports can be verified."
Ban does not mention that his and Herve Ladsous' mission had this to say, on November 9: "Village community leaders reiterated to UNAMID that they coexist peacefully with local military authorities in the area. None of those interviewed confirmed that any incident of rape took place in Thabit on the day of that media report. The team neither found any evidence nor received any information regarding the media allegations during the period in question.”
Who is going to take action, on whom, about that? Inner City Press and the new Free UN Coalition for Access are asking.
On November 13, Inner City Press again asked UN Deputy Spokesperson Farhan Haq what had been done in the last 48 hours.Video here.
Haq was unable to describe any investigation done without Sudanese military presence; instead, he said that the Force Commander of UNAMID, already charged with cover-ups, spoke with Herve Ladsous, who refused to answer Press questions about 130 rapes by the DR Army in Minova. Video here.
How to have confidence in this investigation?
On November 11, Inner City Press again asked UN Deputy Spokesperson Farhan Haq about it:
Inner City Press: I wanted to ask again about the allegations of rape in North Darfur. Radio Dabanga there has not only questioned, you know, the UNAMID [African Union-United Nations Hybrid Operation in Darfur] press statement but has interviewed both victims and has quoted a local community leader in Tabit, basically threatening people that if they spoke on the rapes to UNAMID, they would face the consequences. So I wanted to know, now at this remove… yesterday the President of the Council spoke about it, at this remove, what is UNAMID going to do to get to the bottom of it? And also, the reporting to Ms. Aicha Elbasry’s allegations, who would brief the Security Council on that? He said yesterday, the President of the Council, that they are looking to take it up and are looking for the right briefers. Does the Secretariat have in mind either the author of the report or who would be the appropriate briefer? Thanks.
Deputy Spokesman: As the Council President informed you, they'll be looking at briefers, so we'll work that out with them. Regarding your initial question, yes, we've been in touch with the UN-African Union Mission, UNAMID, who have informed us that security personnel were in fact present during UNAMID's mission to Tabit. The African Union-UN Mission in Darfur will continue to look into the rape allegations in the area of Tabit, North Darfur. As reported to the Security Council yesterday, the findings of the UNAMID team, which was granted access to Tabit on 9 November, are inconclusive and need further investigation. UNAMID remains committed to this and it will revert with any additional findings that might shed light on these allegations.
Inner City Press: [Inaudible] I just wanted to ask you again if there's been any reflection again on that line where it says residents… and I'm going to paraphrase it, residents said that they get along fine with the military. Just seemed the line was such a clunker, basically, it was totally inconsistent with other reports…
Deputy Spokesman: I'm not going to second-guess how my colleagues write press releases. Different press releases are written by different people at different times.
Inner City Press: Who wrote this one?
Deputy Spokesman: Someone from the Mission. The point is: you're writing, trying to get all the information out as best you can in the circumstances you have. What I have been able to say right now is that we are aware that security personnel was present during UNAMID's mission there.
Deputy Spokesman: As the Council President informed you, they'll be looking at briefers, so we'll work that out with them. Regarding your initial question, yes, we've been in touch with the UN-African Union Mission, UNAMID, who have informed us that security personnel were in fact present during UNAMID's mission to Tabit. The African Union-UN Mission in Darfur will continue to look into the rape allegations in the area of Tabit, North Darfur. As reported to the Security Council yesterday, the findings of the UNAMID team, which was granted access to Tabit on 9 November, are inconclusive and need further investigation. UNAMID remains committed to this and it will revert with any additional findings that might shed light on these allegations.
Inner City Press: [Inaudible] I just wanted to ask you again if there's been any reflection again on that line where it says residents… and I'm going to paraphrase it, residents said that they get along fine with the military. Just seemed the line was such a clunker, basically, it was totally inconsistent with other reports…
Deputy Spokesman: I'm not going to second-guess how my colleagues write press releases. Different press releases are written by different people at different times.
Inner City Press: Who wrote this one?
Deputy Spokesman: Someone from the Mission. The point is: you're writing, trying to get all the information out as best you can in the circumstances you have. What I have been able to say right now is that we are aware that security personnel was present during UNAMID's mission there.
We'll have more on this. Later on November 11 Inner City Press asked International Criminal Court prosecutor Fatou Bensouda if she had seen the whole UN report on allegations of cover-ups by UNAMID, or only a summary. She said only the summary, and only the day before. We'll have more on this too.
Thursday, April 24, 2014
As Darfur Rebels Call for Probe of Ladsous & His Reports, Scribe Blames Government
By Matthew Russell Lee
UNITED NATIONS, April 24, 2014 -- While Darfur was the topic of the UN Security Council on April 24, three major Darfur rebel groups wrote to the Council to investigate "all reports of the Peace Keeping Mission, including reports presented to the UNSC by [Under] Secretary General for Peace Keeping Mr. Ladous and the reliability of the sources he had relied on."
But unlike his abortive stakeout on the evening of April 23 about South Sudan, video here, Ladsous did not come out to answer any questions. And at the April 24 UN noon briefing, when Inner City Press asked Secretary General Ban Ki-moon deputy spokesperson Farhan Haq for a response to the request for an investigation of Ladsous and his reports, there was none: not one modified or corrected report was cited.
Instead, from the "holy seat" of the UN Correspondents Association a long time scribe followed up to say that it is not all Ladsous' fault, and to cast blame on the government. This reflexively shifting of blame from the UN to the government, whose new Permanent Representative spoke in the Council on April 24, is in this case particularly absurd: how can the government be responsible for the UN's own reports being inaccurate?
Those requesting this investigation of DPKO and Ladsous are not the government of Omar al Bashir, which whom Ladsous met in July 2013 without any readout, but rebels Abdel Wahid Mohamed Ahmed Nur, Chairperson, Sudan Liberation Army/Movement (SLA/M-A/Wahid), Gibriel Ibrahim Mohamed, Chairperson of Justice & Equality Movement Sudan (JEM) and Minni Arko Minnawi, Chairperson Sudan Liberation Army/Movement (SLA/M-MM).
Pending UN answers, again we ask: how can one write about the corruption of a UN Peacekeeping mission, at length, without naming the person in charge? Why would one airbrush that person, in this case Herve Ladsous the UN Under Secretary for Peacekeeping Operations, out?
The former spokesperson of the UNAMID mission in Darfur quit, spoke out and finally leaked documents. Radio Dabanga as well as Foreign Policy began publishing them on April 7 (FP did not mention Dabanga, and called its back to back Ladsous-less pieces an exclusive investigation).
The last piece focused on the US role, all to the good, but not only doesn't mention that the UN's Ladsous met with International Criminal Court indictee Omar al Bashir in July, without providing any read-out, but also omits France's hosting of Darfur rebels, for example.
There are also other UN agencies thrown out of Sudan - Inner City Press has questions in about just such a story, watch this site.
On April 8 Inner City Press asked UN deputy spokesperson Farhan Haq about the leaks, until a scribe in the seat of the UN Correspondents Association cut off the questioning to suggest a background briefing "not today, not tomorrow," but sometime in the future. From the UN transcript:
Inner City Press: I wanted to ask about, again, the former Spokesperson of UNAMID (African Union-United Nations Hybrid Operation in Darfur), Aicha Elbasri. She, in the document that she’s given to Radio Dabanga and Foreign Policy, one thing in particular I wanted to ask you about is an e-mail to Michael Meyer, then, I guess, as the Head of Communications of UNAMID, and she says specifically: “I believe that by selecting certain facts and providing the media, including Nesirky’s office, with incomplete/somewhat inaccurate information may constitute a breach of the PI policy of the UN.” This had to do with an attack on a peacekeeping base. And I wanted to know, one, you said that you won’t comment on leaks. This seems to go to the heart of the credibility of the process here. Basically, the person providing information from Darfur protested that inaccurate or incomplete information was being given to your office. So, I wanted to know, it seems like you would want to comment on it, but, if not on that, does your office still stand behind the 19 April 2013, statement by the Secretary-General,which now is cast in entirely different light by the leaked documents?
Deputy Spokesman Farhaq Haq: The statements we put out reflect the most accurate information that were available to get at the time. If further information comes along down the line, we try to adjust the records so that we have the most up-to-date information. And in all cases, we do try to get further information, including on cases in Darfur. Yes?
UNCA: Farhan, rather than cherry-picking [cutting off questioning] Video here
That Ladsous' Department of Peacekeeping Operations would cover up attacks on the troops it receives from Rwanda, Nigeria, Gambia and elsewhere is a trend -- but the leaving unprotected, or even active harming, of civilians is something else. This is what has happened under Ladsous' DPKO -- but it cannot or will no be exposed without naming Ladsous.
Nor is this problem limited to UNAMID in Darfur. Just from the four corners of a quoted email, the new head of the mission in Cote d'Ivoire Aïchatou Mindaoudou Souleymane of Niger is included. Is that mission less tightly bound to the government, and to the French troops in the Force Licorne?
Nor is this problem limited to UNAMID in Darfur. Just from the four corners of a quoted email, the new head of the mission in Cote d'Ivoire Aïchatou Mindaoudou Souleymane of Niger is included. Is that mission less tightly bound to the government, and to the French troops in the Force Licorne?
On the 20th anniversary of the Rwanda genocide's beginning, when then and now Eastern Congo player Herve Ladsous told Inner City Press "I never answer your questions," more questions of Ladsous' veracity were put to UN deputy spokesperson Farhan Haq, video here.
As if to explain not only Ladsous' refusal to answer Press questions about rapes in Minova by his partners in the Congolese Army but also the discrepancy between his statements in New York and memos to his mission in Darfur, Haq in response contrasted the "good will of the host Government required to allow peacekeepers to do their jobs, and the sometimes contradictory imperative to report accurately and candidly."
In Kigali earlier in the day, Secretary General Ban Ki-moon said that his Rights Up Front program -- adopted in the wake of the UN's 2009 failure in Sri Lanka -- sends a signal to UN representatives to "Speak up, even if it may offend." But then Haq again said that the need for the good will of governments like Sudan's contradict reporting accurately and candidly," transcript below.
Ladsous throws this out the window: simply refusing to answer questions or questioners he doesn't like. That is Ladsous' "Rights Up Front."
From the UN's April 7, 2014 transcript:
Inner City Press: Sure, Farhan. I wanted to ask you about these memos, including by Under-Secretary-General Ladsous, leaked by Aicha Elbasri of the former Spokesman of UNAMID. I wanted to ask specifically about the incident in March 2013 where the kidnapping took place. I had asked here in this room about it and your office had said you were checking back with them. And a memo has emerged from Mr. Ladsous to Mr. Chambas of 10 April 2013, making references to reports being made that he was still unclear. One, I wanted to know what’s your response — what was ever done, actually done, to ensure — what were the findings? What were the… I have seen Mr. Ladsous’ statement, but what were the actual findings about this incident, about the peacekeepers that were involved, and basically, what more can you say about it? Seems to be that Mr. Ladsous and DPKO [Department of Peacekeeping Operations] were saying things here in New York that were not, or tend to be disproved by some of the memos that have been released, including by Radio Dabanga and Foreign Policy.
Deputy Spokesman Farhan Haq: Well, first off, of course I don’t have a comment on the leaked memos. We’ll try to follow up and see what was done regarding the specific March 2013 incident because there was follow-up, some of which I believe we reported here at the time from this podium. If we have any further details we’ll share it with you then.
Inner City Press: What about the end-of-mission? I’d also asked about Ms. Elbasri; she seems like she had, before making this leak, she had said, gone public and said that she did an end-of-mission report in which she accused UNAMID of basically covering up crimes in Darfur. So one, I mean, if you are not commenting on the memos — they have all kinds of markings and stampings — do you contest their veracity? And two, what can you say about her end-of-mission report? What steps were taken? Did DPKO disbelieve her? Did they make any changes? And if she tried internally, why can’t she go externally by leaking?
Deputy Spokesman Haq: Well, first of all, like I said, I won’t comment. Trying to make a comment on the veracity is commenting, and I’m not commenting on leaked memos. Beyond that, regarding the sort of criticisms, part of what we’ve been trying to do is deal with the problems that the mission faces. In the case of UNAMID, as with every other mission, there is tension between the necessity to preserve the consent and good will of the host Government required to allow peacekeepers to do their jobs, and the sometimes contradictory imperative to report accurately and candidly on any and all incidents of violence.
UN Peacekeeping is aware of the issues raised, including in this series of articles and foreignpolicy.com, and it takes them very seriously. As far as that goes, the Department of Peacekeeping Operations launched a strategic review recently to assess UNAMID’s performance in an environment in which new conflict dynamics have emerged and old ones remain unaddressed. You’ll have seen the special report of the Secretary-General on the strategic review of UNAMID, which was published in February. It identifies three main challenges faced by the mission in implementing its mandate: the cooperation of the Government; internal managerial and coordination issues, especially with the UN country team; and the capabilities of our troops and police contributors. And so that strategic review has gone to the Security Council, where it has received support from the Security Council. And we’ll see what we can do to further improve the work of the mission.
Back on March 25, 2013, Inner City Press asked the UN Spokespersonabout how the UN Peacekeeping in Darfur could have let a group of Internally Displaced People be kidnapped while they were ostensibly protected:
Inner City Press: there is this incident where IDPs were taken hostage or kidnapped by people that were in Government army uniforms, and somehow UNAMID is saying that they opposed it and they denounced the kidnapping, but some people are wondering how armed UN peacekeepers could have IDPs under their care and they could all be kidnapped. Can you clarify how it took place and how it is consistent with protection of civilians?
Spokesperson: Well, I have asked the Mission for more details on that, and I think if you were listening carefully you will have heard me read out precisely what you just said to me.
Inner City Press: But what I am asking about specifically about how it could take place?
Spokesperson: I heard what you said, and I’ve said that I’ll see if I can find out more, which is what I have already asked the Mission and Peacekeeping Operations.
Now Radio Dabanga has published a memo by UN Peacekeeping chief Herve Ladsous, from April 10, 2013, still saying he didn't know how it happened.
What is Ladsous doing? Then, and apparently now, he refuses Press questions about topics ranging from Sudan -- why did he meet with International Criminal Court indictee Omar al Bashir in July 2013? -- torapes in the DR Congo by UN Peacekeeping's partners in the Congolese Army.
Dabanga to its credit says it is reporting the memos along with FP. TheFP story, at least the first one, does not mention Dabanga, nor Ladsous' meeting with Bashir. Previously an explanation was provided for not reporting on Ladsous' extraordinary and public "non-answering," noted from the UK by the New Statesman, here.
Will the publication of these leaks, in a non Ladsous protective way by Radio Dabanga, finally help bring accountability?
The citation is to former UNAMID spokesperson Aicha Elbasri. Back on February 4, 2014, Inner City Press asked UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon's spokesperson about the full-on critique of UNAMID and DPKO by Ms Elbasri:
Inner City Press: On Darfur, maybe you have something on the Government ordering the ICRC (International Committee of the Red Cross) to suspend operations. And I also wanted to know if there’s any response from the UN to former UNAMID [African Union-United Nations Hybrid Operation in Darfur] spokesperson Aicha Elbasri. She’s gone public, saying basically that, while serving as spokesperson of UNAMID, she wasn’t given information; that the Mission under-reports abuses of civilians and other developments in Darfur. I wanted to know, what’s the response of the UN to that?
Spokesperson: I’d have to check with the Department of Peacekeeping Operations on both of those.
So, respecting that, Inner City Press waited. The answers weren't directly provided by e-mail as the UN does with other, but read out at the noon briefing, apparently to see if anyone else might report more positively on them (no one did)
"we were asked about reporting by the African Union–UN Mission on developments in Darfur. UNAMID notes that it reports verified information on the situation in Darfur to the United Nations and to the African Union on a daily basis. This information is then made public in the Secretary-General’s quarterly reports to the Security Council and, as the situation warrants, in press statements."
To a casual or ill-informed listener, it sounded like a legitimate answer. But as the UN and its Department of Peacekeeping Operations under Herve Ladsous know, this was part of Aicha Elbasri's critique, even then:
"On 24 April I resigned from UNAMID and wrote my end-of-mission report requesting the Department of Peacekeeping Operations to look into UNAMID’s violations of the UN Public Information policy which calls for open, transparent and honest information-sharing with the media. I didn't receive any response. On past August, I requested the UN Office of Internal Oversight Services to open an investigation into the matter. The information I shared with them should have made anyone who cares about the people of Darfur and the UN values and policies jump, call me and take a quick action. What I received so far is a deafening silence. And I can no longer wait, because every day that goes by, more men, women and children die in Darfur in total impunity and invisibility. So today I will break the UN code of conduct and share with you some confidential photos and information that show the African Union, the United Nations and UNAMID’ conspiracy of silence."
Surely Ladsous' DPKO (and Carman Lapointe's OIOS) knew what Aicha Elbasri submitted. But the public response was as set forth above. Now, will the publication of these leaks, in a non Ladsous protective way by Radio Dabanga, finally help bring accountability? We'll be following this. Watch this site.
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)