| Amid UN80
Pay to Play ESCAP Fat Cats
Stay In While Local Staff
Cut Loose Reform Call
by
Matthew Russell Lee, Patreon Book
Substack UN GATE,
Aug 4 â How corrupt is today's
UN under Antonio Guterres? How
corrupt will it remain, given
the current NextSG candidates
and with USUN Mike Waltz
praising "UN80" for no reason,
while colluding in banning the
Press? Guterres' staff
tell Inner City Press things
have hit a new low about which
his spokespeople Stephane
Dujarric and Melissa Fleming
refuse all Press questions.
The below is about inequitable
cuts at UN ESCAP in Thailand. Now this on
August 4, 2026, staff for
reform: We are
writing to raise three
interlocking failures in the
UN's system of accountability
that directly undermine the
goals of the UN80 initiative.
These are not peripheral
administrative issues â they
go to whether staff can trust
that the Organization applies
its own rules to itself.
Reform that streamlines
budgets and structures while
leaving this broken will not
restore staff confidence, and
will not survive scrutiny from
Member States who are already
on record raising concerns. THE
UNDT/UNAT PROCESS IS TOO SLOW
TO DELIVER JUSTICE A staff member
with a legitimate grievance
today faces a process that can
run three to five years from
the original administrative
decision to a final UNAT
judgment, once management
evaluation, first-instance
UNDT proceedings, and
appellate review are added
together â and UNAT frequently
remands cases back to UNDT for
further fact-finding,
restarting part of that clock.
This is not a fringe
complaint. The
Secretary-General's own Expert
Panel on UN Internal Justice,
reporting in November 2025,
concluded that a fundamental
overhaul is essential and
described the current system
as costly in terms of time,
staff dissatisfaction, and the
reputation of the
Organization. The Panel's own
language makes the point for
us: a system whose independent
reviewers say a redesign would
resolve grievances "far more
quickly and effectively" is,
by their own admission,
currently neither quick nor
effective. United
Nations The cost of that
delay is not abstract. It is
staff members living for years
under contract uncertainty,
stalled careers, and â for
many, especially those whose
immigration or residency
status is tied to their UN
post â sustained strain on
their families while a case
grinds through the system.
UN80 reform cannot claim to
modernize the Organization
while leaving this timeline
untouched. STAFF
REPRESENTATIVE BODIES ARE NOT
DOING THE JOB THEY EXIST TO DO
Staff
representative structures
exist specifically to escalate
exactly this kind of systemic
failure to management and to
Member States. Their silence
on the scale and duration of
the UNDT/UNAT backlog is
itself a failure of
representation. If staff
associations will not put this
on record, the burden falls on
individual staff and on this
reform process to do so
instead. UN80 should not treat
the absence of formal
complaint from staff
representative bodies as
evidence that the problem is
minor â it is evidence that
the representative function
itself needs review as part of
this reform. Staff
representatives are in a scary
mode due to management
retaliation and
harassment. OIOS IS
OBSTRUCTING THE COURTS WITH
INCOMPLETE INVESTIGATIONS The tribunals
themselves have documented
this. In one case, both the
UNRWA Dispute Tribunal and
UNAT found that the Agency had
treated an OIOS investigation
as if it were conclusive
evidence rather than
subjecting it to independent
assessment, and both tribunals
criticized this as an
abdication of responsibility â
the Dispute Tribunal
ultimately rescinded the
termination because the
underlying investigative
conclusions could not
withstand scrutiny. That is
not an isolated drafting
error. It is a structural
pattern: administration relies
on OIOS findings as though
they were dispositive,
tribunals are then left to
unwind disciplinary decisions
built on investigations that
do not hold up, and the staff
member pays for that gap in
years of litigation.
When OIOS investigations are
incomplete or
under-substantiated, the cost
does not fall on OIOS. It
falls on the tribunals, who
must do the fact-finding OIOS
should have done, and on the
staff member, whose case is
prolonged by exactly that
remand cycle described above.
Any UN80 reform of oversight
functions must include a hard
look at OIOS investigation
quality and timeliness as a
direct driver of tribunal
delay â not treat OIOS and the
tribunals as separate reform
tracks. UN80 should not
proceed with structural or
budgetary reform of oversight
and internal justice functions
without first commissioning a
joint review of: (a) UNDT/UNAT
case duration data end-to-end,
including remand cycles; (b)
the adequacy of staff
representative escalation on
this issue; (c) OIOS
investigation completeness
rates as measured against
tribunal findings that
overturn or criticize them;
and (d) OIOS investigator
qualifications and
independence. On
point (d) specifically: OIOS
investigations frequently form
the sole factual basis for
disciplinary and non-renewal
decisions that are later
challenged in tribunal, yet
there is no public standard
confirming that OIOS
investigators hold
professional investigative
credentials or training in
ethics-compliant interview
methodology. UN80 should
require OIOS to publish
minimum qualification
standards for investigative
staff, mandate documented
training in interview
technique and evidentiary
standards, and commission an
independent audit of hiring
and promotion decisions within
OIOS to rule out conflicts of
interest â including cases
where investigators or their
family members/wives
have been recruited into
positions connected to the
offices or managers they
investigate.Some taking bribes
to retaliate staff members who
expose corruption and
irregularities. Given that
tribunals have already found
individual OIOS investigations
could not withstand scrutiny,
the burden should be on OIOS
to demonstrate its
investigative workforce meets
a defensible professional
standard, not on staff to keep
proving it doesn't case by
case. Previously: Dear Matthew
Russell Lee, The plan for
abolishment from
UN-ESCAP is directed
only at GS staff, while senior
positionsâP-5, D-1, D-2, and
USGâremain untouched. The
salary of a single one of
these officials is equivalent
to that of fifty or more local
staff members. If justice
truly mattered, it would be
these high-level posts under
reviewânot the livelihoods of
ordinary staff.
Many of these
officials are beyond
retirement age, largely
inactive in their offices,
while their administrative
assistants act more like
personal aides or cooks than
contributors to the
Organizationâs actual
work. This is not about
fairnessâit is about
selfishness and corruption.
Guterres and his team have
revealed themselves as weak,
wicked, and corrupt. They
cling to their privileges
while sacrificing the most
vulnerable staff, simply
because they hold the power to
decide. It is therefore
no surprise that more and more
staff are coming to agree that
the UN has become useless,
especially under the failed
leadership of Guterres. Guterres appears increasingly surrounded by what staff describe as âphone-call human resource advisors and legal officers.â
Martha Helena Lopez, the
Secretary-Generalâs senior
advisor on human resources,
has become emblematic of this
âdonât careâ policy. Observers
note she looks fatigued, more
focused on retirement than on
strengthening governance.
Rather than engaging with
tribunal rulings, she and her
team have defaulted to what
staff now mockingly call
âphone-call directives,â
issuing guidance over the
phone without regard to
established precedent or
proper review. In New
York, staff have started
referring to her and her legal
colleagues as âphone-call
officers and advisorsâ because
of their casual approach to
matters of grave consequence.
Their advice to the Secretary-General effectively shields misconduct from judicial scrutiny, entrenches his culture of impunity. Guterres, they say, should end censorship. Application was made on June 19, 2025. Watch this site.
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