UN's Zerrougui Cites 29 Child Soldiers with NYATURA, Obama Waiver in Yemen

By Matthew Russell Lee

UNITED NATIONS, December 3 -- When the new Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Children and Armed Conflict Leila Zerrougui came Monday to take questions from the press, the initial topic was Yemen, which she visited for three days in late November.

 But since Zerrougui before she replaced Radhika Coomaraswamy on child soldiers was the deputy chief of the UN's MONUSCO mission in the Congo, Inner City Press asked her about that mission as well.

 Specifically, what does MONUSCO do to ensure that the militias now working with the Congolese Army -- parts of which the UN supports, ostensibly in compliance with the UN Human Rights Due Diligence Policy -- are not recruiting children?

  In the recent fighting with the M23 mutineers, the Congolese Army worked with, among others, the NYATURA. And in August, Inner City Press questioned the UN about MONUSCO flying Congolese authorities to meet with the Mai Mai APCLS. (The UN claimed it didn't know what the meeting was about).

  These seem like holes in the UN's Human Rights Due Diligence Policy -- other holes include Peacekeeping chief Herve Ladsous refusing to say, even now, which Congolese Army units were in Minova when well upwards of the UN reported 22 rapes took place.

  But Zerrougui focused on the positive side, recounting that when NYATURA elements were integrated into the Congolese Army, the UN conducted a physical inspection and removed or segregated some 29 child soldiers. But what about APCLS? And what about Minova?

  On Yemen, Inner City Press asked Zerrougui if the Obama administration having in late September waived the US Child Soldiers Prevention Act of 2008 with respect to Yemen (as well as Libya, South Sudan and partially the DRC) was helpful to her mandate or not, for example during her trip to and discussions with Yemen.

  The answer would clearly seem to be no, but instead Zerrougui recounting telling the Yemeni authorities that although the US had given the waiver, it was only temporary and that "the ICC could be referred."

  The mention of ICC in Yemen would seem to apply most directly to Ali Saleh, but he made sure to obtain an immunity agreement before stepping back (and Secretary General Ban Ki-moon told Inner City Press that in his phone conversation with Saleh, immunity just didn't come up.)

Zerrougui visited the Houthis; it seems to have been an active first field visit. Watch this site.

Footnote: as a final question, Inner City Press asked Zerrougui for her view of a pending law in the Philippines which would penalize the parents of child soldiers. Zerrougui replied that it would depend on the context. But to many, the proposed law would allow the government to go after families perceived to be in the opposition, not to say Moro Islamic Liberation Front or MILF...

On DRC, UN's Human Rights Due Diligence Policy Explained by OHCHR, DPKO Stonewalls

By Matthew Russell Lee

UNITED NATIONS, November 26 -- Amid reports of units of the Congolese Army, with which the UN works, burning houses and raping in Goma, Sake and Minova, Inner City Press has for days sought from the UN Department of Peacekeeping Operations basic information about these abuses, and its so-called Human Rights Due Diligence Policy.

   DPKO chief Herve Ladsous refused to answer any Press questions, on MONUSCO inaction in Pinga and then Goma and Bukavu, on November 21.

   On November 23 Inner City Press asked in writing regarding MONUSCO's partners, including the FARDC and the Mai Mai and NYATURA with whom they collaborate, asking to know "how the UN's Human Rights Due Diligence Policy was applied to all units MONUSCO is supporting or operating in concert with."

   Ladsous' spokesman Kieran Dwyer replied on November 23, "I am looking into that" -- but three days later, nothing.

  Of MONUSCO's partners the Congolese Army FARDC, the Office of the High Commissioner on Human Rights reported on November 23:

"Alleged violations carried out by FARDC soldiers include: the wounding of six civilians, including a child,  in the Majengo quarter of Goma on 18 November; the wounding of a man by a FARDC soldier, in Mugunga, in Nyragongo territory, North Kivu , also  on 18 November;  and the looting and burning of houses by FARDC soldiers in Goma, on 19 November."

   The UN Office of the High Commissioner on Human Rights has at least provided basic information to Inner City Press about the Policy, if not its application by DPKO. 

   Spokesman Rupert Colville summarized to Inner City Press that "in DRC, because of the large amount of information that UN has been able to gather on individuals composing the FARDC, the application of the policy has so far focused on an elaborate 'profiling mechanism,' which allows MONUSCO to identify individuals with a bad human rights record and ensure their removal from units that will or would benefit from the support provided by the UN."

   More generally, Colville states that "whenever in the context of this support, human rights violations are reported through this monitoring framework, the UN entity has to intervene with these security forces or recipients of support so that these violations are brought to an end and adequately addressed. If despite these interventions, violations continue or are not adequately addressed, the support should be suspended or withdrawn."

   This sounds good. But then which are the FARDC units which OHCHR reported burned houses in Goma after the entry of M23? Who in the UN system has gone out to Minova, where FARDC abuses have been reported by journalists who relatively easily got in?

   At Monday's UN noon briefing, after waiting 60 hours for information DPKO said it was "looking into," Inner City Press asked UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon's deputy spokesman Eduardo Del Buey:

Inner City Press: I remember you saying last week that one benefit of sort of remaining there is to keep records of abuses. There are many abuses, reports of the FARDC [Forces Armées de la République Démocratique du Congo] and an affiliated militia going to a town called Minova that’s between Sake and Bukavu and looting houses, raping women, so I wonder, has MONUSCO accessed that town and do you have some report on this, on these abuses?

Deputy Spokesperson: Well, we’ll check with DPKO to see what they have on that, Matthew.

   Five hours later, just as for the sixty hours before, no information was provided. In light for example of whatMONUSCO is reported to have done, or not done, in Pinga, are they to be trusted to implement on their own, without any oversight or answers, this Human Rights Due Diligence Policy? 

Footnote: earlier on Monday Inner City Press reported that it was Susana Malcorra and not Herve Ladsous who went for the UN to the DRC talks in Kampala. 

  Then it was discovered -- well, tweeted -- where Ladsous had been: giving a speech to 100 students at the UK Royal College of Defense Studies. In the midst of MONUSCO's radical failure in the Congo, these priorities seem misplaced. Watch this site.

In Congo, ICGLR Plan Puts UN Between M23 and Goma, After Ladsous' Failure, No Answers, Human Rights Questions

By Matthew Russell Lee

 

UNITED NATIONS, November 24 -- After the statement on the M23 mutineers issued by a meeting of the International Conference of the Great Lakes Region, Inner City Press asked the three top UN spokespeople for UN "comments and plans on the roles assigned to it by what was announced."

  Surprising to many, the UN's MONUSCO mission, which did nothing as the M23 took over Goma, was assigned the task of standing between the new territory taken by M23 and the city of Goma, which the statement says M23 should leave - except, paradoxically, for its airport.

  But so far the UN has had no response. This is a pattern: basic questions Inner City Press posed to the UN on November 23 are still not answered 24 hours later.

   Inner City Press asked the UN to "please describe any and all of MONUSCO's interaction with or support of elements of the Mai Mai or NYATURA so far this year."

But more than three hours later, it was Ladsous' spokesman Kieran Dwyer who purported to respond. But on this, all he said was "I am looking into this."

   In the 21 hours since, no information has been provided. Questions have had to be asked of the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, including that "in Minova, there have apparently been rapes and looting by FARDC units as they retreated. Has anyone from OHCHR visited Minova?"

   Inner City Press also asked Secretary General Ban Ki-moon's spokespeople to "please specify all damage or injury to UN system staff, facilities or property in the Democratic Republic of Congo since November 20, including but not limited to in Bukavu, Bunia, Goma, Kinshasa and Kisingani."

   More than three hours later, all Dwyer responded with was, "I am looking into this." And as with the question above about Mai Mai and NYATURA, no information was provided in the 21 hours since.

   How could the Department of Peacekeeping Operations purport to have no answer to this? UN buildings have been set aflame, rocks thrown at cars, mortars reportedly fired at the MONUSCO base in Monigi. But after 24 hours,no information at all was provided.

Back on November 21, it was Kieran Dwyer who for Ladsous asked UN personnel to not give Inner City Press the microphone as its question "would MONUSCO protect Bukavu" was asked.

  Inner City Press asked Ban Ki-moon's three spokespeople to "please state the Secretariat's position on its Department of Peacekeeping Operations' spokespeople directing staff of the UN Media Accreditation and Liaison Unit and UN Television / audio to hold the Security Council stakeout microphone away from Inner City Press, most recently by spokesman Kieran Dwyer on November 21."

 

This question was paradoxically referred to Dwyer himself, and he did not purport to answer it or even claim "I am looking into it."

  There was another, entirely factual question about Herve Ladsous, to which Ban Ki-moon's spokesperson's office has replied only that "We do not comment on recruitment processes." We'll have more on this.

 

Meanwhile, Ladsous' Department of Peacekeeping Operations is issuing short statements about the "background" and mandate of MONUSCO. What about its failures? Who will be held accountable? Watch this site.

As Fails in DRC, Ladsous' DPKO Won't Say How Damaged Or What Militia Works With

By Matthew Russell Lee

 

UNITED NATIONS, November 23 -- Two days after UN Peacekeeping boss Herve Ladsous refused to answer Press questions whether troops under his command would even try to protect Bukavu, and for his response to protests against UN personnel there and in Bunia and Kisangani, Inner City Press put these and other questions to the UN in writing.

  As to the UN's Mission in the Congo, MONUSCO, Inner City Press asked Secretary General Ban Ki-moon's spokesman at what would have been noon briefing time, if one had been held, to "Please describe any and all of MONUSCO's interaction with or support of elements of the Mai Mai or NYATURA so far this year."

  Already, after Inner City Press repeatedly asked, the UN belatedly admitted flying Congolese authorities to meet members of a Mayi Mayi militia, which the authorities described as recruiting the militia to fight the M23 mutineers.

  But after than three hours on November 23, it was Ladsous' spokesman Kieran Dwyer who purported to respond. But on this, all he said was "I am looking into this."

  Inner City Press also asked Ban's spokespeople to "please specify all damage or injury to UN system staff, facilities or property in the Democratic Republic of Congo since November 20, including but not limited to in Bukavu, Bunia, Goma, Kinshasa and Kisingani."

  More than three hours later, all Dwyer responded with was, "I am looking into this."

  How could the Department of Peacekeeping Operations purport to have no answer to this? Since November 20 and 21,  UN personnel have been attacked; several Congolese protesters have been shot dead, at least three in Kisangani, click here. In Bunia, at least six were killed, four of them students, click here (all in French, a la Ladsous).

  UN buildings have been set aflame, rocks thrown at cars, mortars reportedly fired at the MONUSCO base in Monigi. But past 5 pm in New York, no information at all was provided.

  Back on November 21, it was Kieran Dwyer who for Ladsous asked UN personnel to not give Inner City Press the microphone as its question "would MONUSCO protect Bukavu" was asked. Video here, at Minute 10:13, 13:25 and especially 11:50.

   Inner City Press asked Ban Ki-moon's three spokespeople to "please state the Secretariat's position on its Department of Peacekeeping Operations' spokespeople directing staff of the UN Media Accreditation and Liaison Unit and UN Television / audio to hold the Security Council stakeout microphone away from Inner City Press, most recently by spokesman Kieran Dwyer on November 21." Video here, at Minute 10:13, 13:25 and especially 11:50.

  This question was paradoxically referred to Dwyer himself, and he did not purport to answer it or even claim "I am looking into it."

  Previously, Kieran Dwyer demanded that Inner City Press censor a mention of Ladsous from a quote given on the record by a Security Council ambassador.

  Among the November 23 noon requests to Ban's spokespeople by Inner City Press, there was another, entirely factual question about Herve Ladsous which was referred to Dwyer, but to which he did not even say "I am looking into this."

  Meanwhile, Ladsous' Department of Peacekeeping Operations is Tweeting short statements saying it is focused on protection children. How? We will have more on all this. Watch this site.